LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 



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UNITED STATES OF AlIERIC A. 



GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 
ANCIENT AND MODERN 



BY 



CHARLES MARCOTTE 






CHICAGO 

PUBLISHED BY THE AU PHOR 

175 MONROE ST. 



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Copyright 1893 by 
Charles Marcotte 



TABLE 0¥ CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Preface T 

Exordium 11 

Monarchial Principles 23 

Republicanism 32 

Anarchism 49 

The Demagogue 50 

Ancient Egypt 52 

Syria G2 

Phoenicia 02 

Assyria and Babylonia 04 

Media and Persia OS 

The Greek Republics 71 

Sparta 71 

The Athenian Commonwealth 75 

Medic Wars 78 

Period of prosperity for all the States of Greece, — Begin- 
ning of internal dissensions. — Political and Social cor- 
ruption. — The reign of Pericles 85 

The Peloponnesian war between Sparta and Athens, in- 
volving all the other republics of Greece 1)1 

Athens is taken by the Spartans. — Thebes carries on A\ar 
against Sparta. — The Greek republics at the men-y oi 

King Philip of Macedonia '.>2 

The reign of Alexander the Great 1)5 

Revolt of the Athenians. — Death of Demosthenes. — At- 
tem])ts of the (Jreeks to restore their rc^iiublics. — Con- 
quests of (^»reece by the Romans 1*7 

Comment upon the character of the Greeks, and thcMr 

political institutions IKs 

Tlu^ Greeks' jealousies of their citiziMiship. and tlu' ICpii-u- 

rean School 100 

3 



4 CONTENTS 

Home. — The Monarchy 101 

Home.— The Republic 104 

Transition of the Roman Republic from its primitive con- 
dition to a lii;;i,her state of civilization 109 

Period of the revolution. — Civil wars and downfall of the 

republic ., 118 

Roman Proletariate 130 

Rom an Empire 132 

The Republic of Carthage 13G 

The Hebrews 141 

The Great American Republic. — Introduction 151 

American independence. — Primitive state of the Republic. 
— The material resources of the country. — Equality of 

condition 154 

American Constitution. — Its excellent points and its 

defects 167 

Political organization. — Federal government, state legis- 
latures, city councils. — The most enthusiastic adherents 
to the Jeffersonian school of virtuous democracy ac- 
cusing and condemning one another 170 

Eloqnence, free press and free speech 177 

The principles of education 187 

Woman's rights 198 

Divorces 207 

Suffrage. — Inequality of fortunes 210 

Nobility 223 

Aspirations of democrats to titles of nobility, and lines of 

distinction in society' 225 

The origin of the American people 230 

Naturalized Citizens 232 

Familarities on short accpiaintance 237 

The President of the United States shaking hands 238 

Refutation of the assertions of Thomas Paine, Victor 
Hugo, and the Press, as to the establishment of stand- 
ing armies 240 

Murders of Kings and Presidents 245 

American Citizens in military parades and in social parties 246 
Frivolities, horses and races, etc 248 



CONTENTS 5 

Legislative and Judicial branches 2o3 

Professions, 'J'rades, Comnierco, plagiarism, imposition, 

accidents, Convict labor, fakes 266 

Promotion of incompetent men to the public service. 

Spoils 274 

Negro Question 27H 

Speculation, real estate booms, extravagancies 284 

American courage 291 

Are the Ingenious Americans really practical, or princi- 
pally speculative? ... , 202 

Why is it that municipal goA'ernments in the Euroijean 
countries are better than those of the American 

Republic? 297 

Capital and Labor. — Communism. 304 

Anarchial tendencies. — Growth of crime. — Incompetencj^ 

of tribunals of law. — Lynching 306 

Th(!Statuet)f IJartholdi. — Sciences, art, literature, inven- 
tions, finances, political knowledge 331 

Is the American Republic economically administered?. . . .344 

Inconsistencies 345 

Humorism 348 

Condition of politics in the primitive state of the American 
Commonwealth. — The admirers of Thomas Paine, Victor 
Hugo, and of the authors of the Constitution are in- 
vited to compare the present condition of politics in the 

American Republic with that of its i)riniitive state 340 

Useless attempt at reforms 353 

Fallacies of the Republic 365 

The Modern Monarchies of Europe 368 

France 360 

The Rritish Empire. —The Constitutional Monarchy of 
England i'efut(*s Thomas Paine's ideas of man's rights 

by a long period of woiulerfnl pros])erity .*3S5 

Scotland 391 

1 reland :?l)2 

Spain 31).") 

.V iistria-Hunga ry 307 

The German Empire 308 



rp 



CONTENTS 



Turkey 401 

Italy 4i):] 

Japan 40."3 

The Chinese Empire 404 

Belgium 407 

Holland 40S 

The Russian Empire 400 

Parallel between the Russian government and the Ameri- 
can Republic 419 

Church and State. — Religion and Materialism. — Complete 

ignorance and false kn o wledge 422 

Recapitulation of the political history of the Avorld 40G 

Divine Right of Monarchy 473 

Future greatness of the American nation 474 

T(j the Republicans of the AVorld 477 



PREFACE. 

The subject "Governments and Politicians" has 
been, for many years, the chief occupation of my 
mind. Naturally inclined to its study, I have dis- 
cussed it, privately, v/ith men of all professions and 
of all grades of education, a great many of whom 
have sided with me. But almost all my adversaries, 
irritated by the impossibility of their refuting my 
arguments, have retired from the contest saying: 
"If you don't like this country, why do you live in 
it?" In fact most of them have had nothing else to 
say. That was no argument to prove the soundness 
of a government. The country is one thing, and its 
government is another. 

Nevertheless I could not reasonably attribute my 
success in such discussions to the superiority of my 
intellect over all of them; but to both the weakness 
of their case and to the advantage of my having long 
lived under a monarchy, as well as in a republic, I 
justly assign their defeat. 

The results of those controversies could but 
strengthen my opinions, as to the justice of my cause; 
and considering the grountl which I hold impregna- 
ble, I was ultimately encouraged to make this publica- 
tion. h\ assuming an aggressive part against all 
opposite principles, throughout the world, I am con- 



5 PREFACE 

scious that I may have to confront a number of able 
men, aided b}^ a long experience under more than one 
form of government. It is those very individuals 
whom I now take pleasure to invite to public discus- 
sions by writing upon the subject of Politics and of 
all institutions related to it ! 

I have been advised by intimate friends to publish 
this work only in monarchies. But, having conceived 
most of its ideas in the United States of Am.erica, 
and acting in perfect accord with the Constitution of 
its government, I consider it proper to disregard their 
advice rather than to go behind the American people, 
whatever may be to me the consequence of such 
action. If the work is erroneous, let it be refuted; 
and if it is irrefutable, it becomes then more applica- 
ble to the American Republic than to any other gov- 
ernment. 

For justifying my claim to public attention, I 
have no political record to offer, not even that of 
"office seeker." Yet, however so sensible to the 
people's indifferentism to a new author or to the 
rigor of their criticism, I cannot lose the hope of ever 
gaining their good will; because they are all well 
enough informed as to the vast difference existing be- 
tween the professional politician of any class or 
faction, and the political writer. They know that, 
as a rule, the former alwa3^s speaks and acts chiefly 
with a view to promote his individual interests; and 
that the latter, especially one who is free from any 
party affiliation, and independent of the suffrage, even 



PREFACE 9 

were he, himself, led by selfish motives, is the more 
competent to enlighten them upon the condition of 
their public affairs. Nor should I attempt to exhibit 
any pretension to modesty by imitating those philos- 
ophers, who, to the amusement of their readers, first 
apologize to them for ignoring a great deal of the 
subjects they propose to treat upon. It is worse than 
ridiculous for any one to declare himself educator 
touching any part he knows but very little of; and 
to take airs of humbleness or to affect ignorance, is, 
in most cases, coveting adulation. 

I refrain, at the outset, from giving people much 
expectation, lest they should be, afterwards, exposed 
to disappointment. I can only assure them that 
almost all the theories herein contained are strongly 
supported by the events of forty centuries, against the 
clamors, the pretenses and the behavior of myriads 
of Politicians, Ancient and Modern, but principally 
in our times. That this work may be censured and 
energetically opposed by a large number of them, 
can be naturally expected. Should it meet with the 
approbation of all characters, it would be almost use- 
less. Furthermore, were it not to revolutionize the 
sentiments of the masses, in some countries, I have 
sufficient confidence both in my abilities and in the 
justice of mankind to believe that they will at least, 
perceive, in this task, a recital of facts interesting 
to them, and a most earnest endeavor to fairly present 
to the World all sides of Politics and of governments. 

Chicago, 111. Charlks Makcotte. 



i 



i 



GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

EXORDIUM. 

Ever since the modern sophists began to agitate our 
minds with the pubhcations of new and insidious 
doctrines, their admirers have seemed to impose upon 
themselves the imperative duty, or have taken pleas- 
ure, to assail the character of all sound and beneficial 
institutions. The republican or democratic press, 
more particularly, has always aimed at alienating all 
sovereigns from the loyalty and affection of their sub- 
jects, by belittling their importance and running 
down in all manners the principles and the policies of 
their respective governments. 

Clothing themselves with the mantle of philan- 
thropy, the republicans always affect a deep concern 
for the welfare of all people and pretend especially 
to lament for the fate of the laboring classes in 
monarchies. They attempt to convince them that 
they are ignorantly bearing a yoke of dreadful oppres- 
sion, and can never hope to put an end to their multi- 
tude of miseries until they shall have emancipated 
themselves from the monarchial rule. Nor do they 

cease proclaiming through the world the merits of 

11 



12 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

democracy, which they represent as the model 
government, and the only political constitution capa- 
ble of insuring the felicity of nations. 

Their charges against the monarchies of Europe 
are of the gravest nature; and if they were true, 
those institutions would, undoubtedly, be the most 
execrable scourges that could afflict mankind. The 
fact that the Americans have, for so long a time and 
without much opposition, praised their own govern- 
ment and censured almost all others, must certainly 
have led, at least, a great many men to consider all 
republican theories and republican assertions on both 
sides of this important subject, well grounded and 
unanswerable. 

Moreover, the knowledge that the English Com- 
monwealth, under the protection of Cromwell, was 
but of a few years duration; that the French nation 
failed twice in less than a century in her efforts at 
founding a permanent republic, while all countries of 
Europe, except two of them, are still governed by 
monarchies, is capable of influencing the minds to form 
an erroneous opinion as to the moral and intellectual 
development of the European and American peoples 
respectively. 

Why is it, they ask earnestly, that all the nations 
of Europe can not establish republics, and the Amer- 
icans, on the other hand, have now existed more than 
a hundred years under their democrac}^'' 

It is very natural for all men attracted alone by 
outward appearances to think Europeans less com- 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 3 

petent for a free government than are their trans- 
atlantic relatives, and consider republican institutions 
superior to all others. Nor is it doubted that the 
rapid and material progress of the great American 
republic which the working classes of Europe have 
been taught to attribute to the wisdom of a democratic 
constitution, has, meanwhile, induced a large number 
of them to hold the monarchies and the aristocratic 
classes responsible for their poverty and the compar- 
atively slow growth of their native countries, and 
suggested to their minds ideas of political reforms, 
with a view to ameliorate their condition. 

Nevertheless, let the socialists, the communists, 
the nihilibts, and the republicans or democrats, 
throughout the world, who, most assuredly, are not 
all superficial observers, recall to their mind the 
facts that some of their countrymen or companions, 
in seeking relief to their woes in republics, suffer 
some times terrible disappointments, and even fall 
victims to the literature of an unscrupulous press. In- 
stead of wasting their precious time and misusing 
their talents in schemes of political revolutions, if 
they should, for their common interests, discover and 
study the differences in the politics of any of the 
European monarchies and of the American democ- 
racy, observe the industrial state and the moral devel- 
opment of their population, respectively, after well 
considering and weighing all circumstances related 
to them, their own ideas may be at once revolution- 
ized. 



14 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

If they should know the true disposition of the 
majority of those republicans or democrats suddenly 
raised, by chance, from poverty to opulence, or find 
out which is the dominating sentiment of their soul, 
love or hatred of the poor classes, notwithstanding 
all the expressions of condolence or sympathy for 
suffering humanity, they might joyfully be reconciled 
forever to the richer and aristocratic classes of their 
own countries. 

And, should they further inquire which is the more 
potent factor of a democratic government, in an ad- 
vanced state of civilization, justice or mone3% then 
they might become also the most loyal subjects to 
the old principles that govern them. 

The masses of a people, having practicall}' experi- 
enced but one form of government, have no facilities 
of forming a fair judgment upon the character of any 
political institution, and a great many of them would 
continue giving credence to the partial statements of 
republicans, should they remain deprived of the oppor- 
tunity of comparing the various systems of politics, 
not only in their theories, but also in their applica- 
tion, and more particularly in their effects upon the 
character of men, and in their ultimate results. A 
fair presentation of principles, ideas, and facts, on 
both sides of this great question will enable any one 
to perceive and judge the respective merits and faults 
of miOnarchies and republics or democracies, and 
determine what form of government is the best 
adapted for nations. 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 5 

In opposition to the monarchial rule, the repubhcs, 
in all ages, have proclaimed their great principles of 
equality, liberty and fraternity. It is observable that 
in every country, the mere utterance of these words 
has always greatly attracted the attention or fascinated 
the minds of the people. In our times, there is in 
some of the most civilized nations more talk about 
freedom, more pretensions to equality and liberty 
than has ever been known in any of the past ages. 
But it is amazing that in a century of boasted popular 
enlightenment only a few persons, especially amongst 
those who make the most frequent use of such words, 
can define them properly. The statesman and the 
ordinary citizen, the professional man and the arti- 
ficer, the learned and the ignorant, the rich and the 
poor, the powerful and the weak, use or abuse those 
words more or less; and every one seems to have an 
opinion of his own make as to their meaning, and 
always gives them a definition suitable to his own 
purpose or fancy. This practice is, very frequently, 
but the outcome of false doctrines, of irreflection, 
or of mere ignorance. 

To be consistent with their own principles, can the 
republicans, now, in their turn, take offense at hear- 
ing the other side's statement against their free insti- 
tutions.? If after censuring monarchs for restricting 
the liberties of their subjects in speaking and writing 
about their governments, and, if after promising every 
individual a boundless freedom of speech under their 
own constitution, they would, like Cromwell, Robes ■ 



1 6 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

pierre, or other republican tyrants, attempt now at 
limiting his privileges, except on the condition of his 
praising democracy and villifying monarchy, they 
would, by far, surpass the tyranny of any potentate. 
Even the most despotic monarch always refrains from 
subjecting his people to such cruel disappointments, 
because in the beginning he never promises them 
more liberties than he thinks they ought to enjoy or 
abuse, and consequently he is always in perfect 
accord with his own principles whenever he calls any 
one in the nation to account for violating the rules of 
his authority. 

Therefore, having listened with candor and 
moderation, for more than a century, to all the 
slanders and accusations of republicans or democrats 
against monarchies, the partisans or the adherents to 
the latter governments, invoking, at the outset, no 
other principles than those of democracy itself, have a 
just ground to hope that the same rights and privileges 
which their political adversaries have enjoyed till the 
present time, may be cheerfully granted to them, not 
only in defending their own theories but in denounc- 
ing the principles and the doctrines of republics. 

There is no paradox more erroneous than the idea 
expressed in the republican declaration of man's rights, 
that all men are equal and born free, and must always 
continue free, and as reasonable beings, they are 
capable of living together in a free state. Men are 
not born free, because their nature is not clear from 
imperfection; and in any condition of life, beside 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1/ 

that of abject slavery, for many years from the time 
of their birth, they are indebted to others for their 
own preservation. And it is when they have attained 
that age of reason, so much relied upon by democratic 
theorists, that while they can be useful they may 
become the more dangerous to societ3^ When we 
consider that man's reason is so limited that he does 
not remember the day of his birth, nor can foretell 
the moment of his death, nor can depend upon the 
carrying out of any of his projects, we must then admit 
that with all his intellectual powers, he is subject to 
error and ignorance. 

The differences existing between nations as to their 
physical and moral or mental characteristics are not 
so much related to their nature, respectively, as to 
various outer influences. Had it been possible that 
all peoples of the globe could have been reared, from 
the beginning, in countries of equal resources and dis- 
advantages, in the same clime, under similar govern- 
ments, and in the same religion, it is safe to say that 
they would all be about alike. Yet considered as 
they are, whatever may be all the various circum- 
stances in which they have been placed, and all the 
various influences to which they have been subjected, 
they all agree in regard to the main characteristics 
of mankind. In all nations the heart o( man is sus- 
ceptible of virtu? and vice; almost every individual 
shows a natural disposition to act from selflsh 
motives; and a groat many persons, oven tlu\^o en- 
dowed with oonsidorablc intellect, u ill \iold to the 



I 8 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

empire of their vilest passions. Such is the nature 
of that human being whom Voltaire, Rousseau, 
Thomas Paine, and others, consider capable of acting, 
speaking, w^riting and publishing freely, in a commu- 
nity, without any moral school, or without any re- 
straining power but his own will. Those ingenious 
composers of sophisms could perceive tyranny, hatred, 
ambition, wars, disasters, poverty, sufferings, and the 
fall of man or the ruin of human institutions only in 
monarchies; but an age of justice and fraternal love, 
of perfect equality, peace, pleasures and incompara- 
ble felicity, was, in their contemplative mind to be the 
real and everlasting state of democracies. And, al- 
though they seemed to dread the presence of a few indi- 
viduals in the government as much as that of the most 
ferocious and dangerous anim.als, why they should 
have given the world assurance that a great multi- 
tude of men of all characters could permanently exist 
together as mildly as lambs, without a strong govern- 
ment, can not be accounted for but in their ambition 
of working up their fame as propounders of new 
theories. 

The champions of monarchy, on the other hand, 
since the first political institution has been founded, 
have always asserted, with reason, that the success of 
a democracy, especially in a large and populous coun- 
try, was an impossibility, on account of that state of 
imperfect morals and inequality among people. 

In this respect mankind can fairl}^ be divided in 
three classes: There are persons in whom virtue is 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1 9 

SO predominant that very probably, once knowing 
the difference between right and wrong, they would 
always lead a respectable life without laws or govern- 
ment; another class that however so great advantages 
they may have received, are unmanageable, and 
always show a disposition to defy even the strongest 
authority. There is also a large number of those 
who can act, either justly or unjustly, and whose 
character is formed by their system of education, and 
the political institutions that govern them. Nor are 
all men equal or endowed with the same amount of 
intellectual powers; and in every community, there 
is a conflict of opinions, ideas, interests, and a con- 
stant struggle between vice and virtue. 

Yet, the monarchists, like the republicans, acknowl- 
edge that society is an association of individuals to 
preserve the natural rights of men; that supreme 
power emanates from the nation; that any individual, 
or any body of men trusted with political authority are 
but the representatives of the people; that individual 
liberty is any man's power of doing what he will, 
provided he does not injure another; that man's 
natural rights only terminate at that point where the 
rights of others commence, and that this dividing line 
is established by law, and law can forbid only such 
actions as are detrimental or dangerous to society. 
But they condemn the system by which the republi- 
cans or democrats attempt to carry those individual 
and popular rights. It is to insure their preser- 
vation that the science of politics has boon instituted; 



20 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

and of all forms of government, that which can best 
accomplish those results is, indisputably, the most 
worthy of ruling nations. 

But political knowledge, in practice, is frequently 
confounded with demagogism, which, under the 
former name, is but a policy of trickery and imposture 
followed by corrupt or unscrupulous men, generally of 
republican or democratic pretensions, in leading mobs 
or in deceiving the people. 

The administering of justice is the most essential 
function of a government^ and a political institution 
deficient in this part, is worse than worthless, because 
it can only cause the ruin of the nation which it pre- 
tends to protect. The great majority of fair minded 
people are much more concerned in their prosperity 
than in the mere existence of the government itself. 
Were it possible for them to exist and preserve their 
rights without politics, without kings or presidents, 
or public officials, or laws or penalties they would, 
no doubt, dispense with all of them. But, as the 
institution of a government becomes an absolute 
necessity, a few men must be intrusted with its care; 
nor does this mean that rights and liberties of men 
must consist in their chances of securrng public posi- 
tions. Every governn^.ent official is a public servant, 
and his office is supposed to have no other object but 
the performance of certain imperative duties to the 
people. He must receive a fair compensation for his 
services, but it does not follow that governments are 
made to furnish the masses with appointments, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 21 

money, or a livelihood. A people can not subsist on 
politics or state offices, and must find their means of 
support in various careers, while they all have equal 
claims to protection, in legitimate pursuits of life. 
Let all men bear this in mind, and they will be 
open to reason and conviction, who are free from 
prejudices. 

The true interests of the people demand that their 
officials and all individuals be bound together by 
reciprocal duties If the former must be true to their 
trusts, the latter must respect their representatives, 
not only because honor compels them to do so, but 
to lead by their examples, all those who are naturally 
mischievous, to fear the established authority, and 
obey the law of the nation. The people's reverence 
for their rulers or officials goes far to insure a regime 
of justice and order, but disrespect to them is con- 
ducive to serious trouble. 

In order to refute the assertions of republicans 
against their political opponents, and illustrate both 
the good and the evil that governments have produced, 
it will be deemed necessary, to refer briefly to the 
various systems of politics, and then bring into com- 
parison the principal nations that have existed since 
the remotest age of antiquity till the present time. 

Moreover, it is declared at the outset that, in all 
attempts at proving any charges against republics, 
ancient or modern, no monarchical evidence shall be 
invoked, nor shall ;iny argument be drawn from any 
source but frc^ni the actions and utterances of repub- 
licans themselves. 



22 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Although it must be admitted that no government 
perfect in all particulars could ever be founded, it is 
the chief design to demonstrate, in the clearest man- 
ner, and to the satisfaction of all well disposed per- 
sons, that monarchy, of whatever form, is far better 
adapted than any republic to the government of all 
nations. 

Religions, materialism, and systems of education 
have, at all times, exerted so much influence upon the 
destinies of men and civil governments, that they 
shall have to be considered in this work. However, 
there is no disposition to discuss any religious matters, 
or recommend any particular faith, especially as to 
Christianity. It is merely intended to point out their 
effects on the social and moral state of men, and their 
relations to the degree of power or weakness in 
political institutions. 

Republicans and democrats, in any country or of 
whatever nationality, are prayed not to take offense 
at any attacks or charges made against their favorite 
system of politics and of education. Not only is it 
acknowledged that all people came out of the creation 
about alike in nature, but it is repeated here that no 
great or populous nation on earth can ever carry on 
a democratic government successfully in a high state 
of civilization. Consequently, let it be well under- 
stood, at the outset, that any statement, or assertion, 
or proof, which may, in some particular case, seem 
intended for a certain nationality, shall be meant for 
all the nations of the world, if they were for a long 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2 3 

period of time, subjected to a like system. The same 
profound respect and good will are extended to all 
nationalities; and all republicans and democrats 
can remain assured, that although their political 
principles shall be earnestly and vigorously scrutinized, 
justice shall be rendered to their virtues, to their 
genius, to their noble deeds, and to their sincere 
endeavors. If it shall be shown that some republican 
statesmen have excelled the most absolute monarchs 
in despotism and depravity, on the other hand, dem- 
ocratic philanthropists shall be exalted to the rank of 
the most virtuous sovereigns. 



MONARCHIAL PRINCIPLES. 

In boasting of their free institutions existing by the 
will of the people, the republicans always assert or 
endeavor to impress the mind with the idea that, 
under all forms of government but their own, nations 
are subjected by the force of arms to the rule of des- 
potism. They affirm that, in any monarchy the 
masses of the people are down-trodden under the 
burden of heavy taxation for supporting large armies 
only intended to uphold the thrones; that the mon- 
archial rule is entirely opposed to the development of 
industry and commerce and to the intellectual and 
moral improvement of man. Thev moreover sav that 
republicans have no use iov standing armies, favor 
ecpialit}' ot lortunes or st^cial (nrndition anu-)ng the poo- 



24 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

pie, promote the interests of the working classes, and 
mete out justice with impartiality to all men alike. 
Those allegations are refuted by the history of the 
principal nations of the world, both ancient and 
modern. 

All monarchies, even ancient Egypt, the most ab- 
solute Oriental Potentates, such as both of the Assyr- 
ian empires, those of Media and Persia, not excepting 
that of China which now has lasted more than three 
thousand years, were established and have existed by 
the sovereign will of their people respectively, nor 
could they have ever stood upon any other basis. 

The republicans are either very easily deluded by 
appearances or intently mischievous in stating when- 
ever a party of a few individuals in a monarchy clamor 
against its power that the sovereign is, meanwhile, 
resisting the will of the people. In all ages there 
have been in republics as well as in monarchies a 
class of men always disposed to find fault, or revolt, 
without cause, against the established authority; and 
not only absolute monarchs, but presidents of democ- 
racies have fallen under the daggers of their country- 
men. 

It is astonishingly ridiculous or very unjust that 
republicans impute to monarchies alone the use of 
arms to uphold their authority, as the might of the 
sword has always been the safeguard of all nations 
alike. 

The absolute monarchy is that in which the sover- 
eign governs according to his will. Evidently this 



ANCIENT AND MODERN ^5 

form of government supposes in the nature of the 
prince a great deal of character, eminent virtues, and 
a vast amount of wisdom. However, the absolute 
monarch is always assisted by a council of ministers 
or advisers, in adopting a policy and in enacting laws 
consistent with the true interests of the people. In 
the limited monarchy, the sovereign rules according 
to established laws. 

The constitutional monarchy, in the most popular 
sense, is that in which the ministers composing the 
government, except the Chief Magistrate of the 
nation, are elected by the suffrage of the people, as 
well as all legislators in the popular assembly. It 
may fairly be defined: a medium or a compromise 
measure between absolutism and democracy. Under 
this constitution, the people come nearer making their 
own laws than under any other form of government. 

All monarchies adapt themselves to the nature of 
man whose vices and virtues, noble and mean senti- 
ments, they take into consideration. Although under 
the Constitutional monarchy all public men are sup- 
posed to be endowed with blameless character, they 
are far from being clothed with as much authority as 
they are in the absolute government; nor are they 
trusted in the management of public affairs or in the 
manipulation of the people's treasure to the same 
extent as in democracies. This government depends 
principally on its competency to enact popular and 
salutary laws in the absence of any living absolute 
authority; and while it allows the people all the free- 



26 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

dom of a respectable republic, it leaves no ground for 
apprehension that it will ever culminate into despot- 
ism or degenerate into dangerous license. Both the 
nation and the sovereign are placed under one ruling 
power, and law is the power that rules. The Chief 
Magistrate, like any subject, finds himself in the im- 
possibility of assuming more authority than is allowed 
him bv the Constitution, and confined within the 
limits of his political prerogative he can never become 
a despot, nor even exercise the least arbitrary power 
conflicting with the laws. 

It is often said by republicans that, if a monarch's 
political power is so limited that he can do no wrong 
he is, from the same cause, incapable of producing any 
good, and being, in consequence of his inabilities, a 
needless member of the government, he should not 
hold any office. The idea of heredity is also ridiculed 
on the ground that it may, sometimes, place a person 
of mediocrity, or of inferiority, or a child, at the head 
of the nation. They are devoid of all political sense, 
who express such opinions, for not perceiving the true 
spirit of a principle which has been adhered to from 
time immemorial, with the most beneficial results, 
by the greatest nations of the world. No wise 
thinkers can believe that such enlightened nations as 
those of Europe would have useless figure heads or 
would submit their destinies to mediocrity, or to 
idiocy, or to the occupant of a cradle, if, in the first 
place, the law of succession should not provide them 
with adequate means of guarding themselves against 



II 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2; 

any defects or disabilities of their Chief Magistrate. 

The will of all fair-minded men, in any country, 
is that for their own safety they should have the best 
government, whatever its form, its principles, or its 
ways may be. And it is observable that the prevail- 
ing sentiment of all opponents to monarchies, in all 
ages, is not the love of their country, but their mere 
jealousies of sovereigns. With all their boundless 
ambition for authority, and their cupidity for money 
and luxuries, they look with eyes of envy, with airs 
of covetous grief, at the permanent exaltation of one 
man to power, and at the pay he receives. 

Yet, the worst enemies of republics are to be found 
among those who abhor monarchy. Their liking of 
a free government rests on their knowledge that this 
constitution furnishes them the best chances for self- 
aggrandizement, and their hatred for monarchy, on 
their assurance that this power guards the people 
against the encroachments of their public of^cials, and 
is always prompt to execute the laws against crimi- 
nals. That state of feeling which animates a vast 
number of pretended republicans or democrats, illus- 
trates the genius of the monarchial principle, which, 
while it lavishly bestows favors upon one man and 
his family, renders him the more interested in the 
welfare of the nation. Society is far more concerned 
in its own preservation than in any individual's 
chances of securing the first magistracy or any other 
office. 

The greatest interests of a nioiuuch are so inti- 



28 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

mately related to those of his people that his great- 
ness or his fame entirely depends on their prosperity. 
Enjoying all the honors, and having at his disposal 
all which the most exacting individual can reasonably 
hope for, it becomes natural for him to do all in his 
pov^er to promote the happiness of his subjects, if in 
no case, he is actuated by other motives than his 
personal ambition. Monarchy is wisdom itself . The 
principle of vesting the executive authority in one 
man, and of rendering him inamovable in his life 
time, is calculated to protect the people against the 
passions of mankind, and produces salutary results 
that can hardly be estimated. Not only it defeats the 
hope of all selfish aspirants to the first magistrac}', 
but it relieves the nation from that dangerous strife 
of myriads of unscrupulous politicians for offices, 
which always follows the election of the president in 
a democracy. In diverting their attention from a 
constant struggle for political power or position, it 
upsets the designs of all mischievous schemers, and 
makes them bow to the dignit}^ of the nation. In 
impelling them to seek other fields than the govern- 
ment to build up their individual fortunes, it directs 
all men's strenuous efforts for self-aggrandizement 
towards the greatness of the nation. Besides, free 
from all prejudices, jealousies or envy, independent 
of all political factions or any individual, having no 
favors to solicit or to reciprocate, the prince never 
finds any barrier to his administering justice. 

While the sovereign in a constitutional monarchy 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 29 

can do no wrong, he renders his country the greatest 
service that can be expected by any people from their 
magistrates, that of carrying out their will, which is 
the most difficult task of a government. 

There is nothing more certain than that a monarch, 
ranks, as to politics, among the most incorruptible 
men. It would be impossible for him to perform a 
single act of meanness against his subjects for any 
kind of a bribe; because, although he may be naturally 
greedy or otherwise vicious, or may not always be 
moved by a scrupulous sense of duty or any sincere 
affection for his people, no reward of any value could 
ever equal, in his estimation, the price of his crown 
or the sovereignty of the nation, over whose destinies 
he presides, so long as he is conscious, at least, of his 
inamovability from the throne. 

The high tribute in money which he receives is one 
of the wisest provisions of monarchy. Possessed of 
means equal to the exalted dignity of his office, he 
never intends to intrigue for more, and commands the 
respect of both his people and of foreign nations far 
better than he could, were his income more limited. 
The monarchy, notwithstanding its apparent splen- 
dor, is the most economical of all governments. 

Very little knowledge of the world's politics suffices 
to show that kings are quite worthy of a comparison 
with presidents of republics, as to intellectual powers 
and state-craft. The suffrage of the masses, generally 
fails to place in power the wisest men in the nation. 
It can not be controverted that the intense focliui; of 



30 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

» 

rivalry and of personal ambition existing among the 
ablest statesmen, in republics, incites them to defeat 
one another's hopes for promotion, and often results 
in bringing up a man of mediocrity to the highest 
dignity of the nation; although the president of a 
commonwealth requires more ability than the sover- 
eign of a limited monarch}^ 

Those that laugh at the baby-kings shall have 
many opportunities to observe that, by virtue of the 
principle of succession, he exerts a far greater influ- 
ence on the administering of state affairs than the 
wisest republican statesman, or president. 

With regard to the king's social attitude towards 
individuals, it can not be reasonably expected that 
he could judiciousl}^ as the chief magistrate of the 
nation, associate himself with every one in the 
country. Should he be placed on terms of intimacy 
or social equality even only with the most respecta- 
able persons, he would still be more censured, because 
his partial conduct would the more wound the feelings 
of all characters that would be debarred from his 
company, nor would he be very long fit to administer 
public affairs with ease and impartiality. It is evident 
that although all men are equal before the law, public 
policy demands that a line be drawn between the 
Chief Magistrate and the masses of the people. 

The monarchists always fill the state offices by ap- 
pointments, knowing that better selections can be 
made by a few men of knowledge, than by the 
majority of a community, especially in a large and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 3 I 

populous country. The government officials, finding 
themselves provided with sufficient means of support 
for life on good behavior are encouraged to act hon- 
orably for retaining their positions, and their increas- 
ing experience can not but render their services more 
valuable to their country than those of new men. 

Led by such wise ideas, the monarchists, though 
considering the nation as the source of all political 
power, place their affairs in the hands of a few indi- 
viduals; and the masses wilfully debar themselves 
from an access to state offices, by entering into the 
vast field of industry, of trades and professions, which 
help to the building up of a powerful nation. 

It is easily seen, too, that cases of malfeasance in 
public life, if any, must necessarily be of rare occur- 
rence, because, if not always actuated by sentiments 
of honor, the people's servants have too much to fear, 
too much to lose, and not enough to gain, to venture 
at departing from the path of equity. But, should 
accidentally any one of them ever become criminally 
mischievous in his official conduct, he could not do 
much wrong, as, in the first place it would be impos- 
sible for him very long to escape from the vigilance 
of the supreme authority, and he would soon be im- 
peached, or removed from office, without recourse to 
an election. Then no attempts at whitewashing or 
letting him off easy, would have much chance of 
success. Neither his titles, his r:nik in society how- 
ever so high it may bo, nor the influence of his groat 
woalth, could save him from tho storn prt^coss oi 
justice. 



32 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

A monarchy does not claim a title to the compe- 
tency of entirely eradicating vices from society; on 
the contrary, it recognizes in human nature the im- 
possibility of its ever becoming perfect. It goes still 
further in this direction; it asserts that no govern- 
ment in any state could be so constituted as to suc- 
ceed in preventing the commission of even the most 
heinous crimes that can be thought of. But with all 
the wisdom of its organization it claims for itself the 
ability of dealing with the worst characteristics of 
mankind in the most rational way. It purports with 
posi^tive assurance and active determination to check 
the growth and the influence of evils, to protect the 
just and the weak against the unjust, as extensively 
and effectively as can possibly be expected of human 
institutions. By its constant vigilance, and incessant 
work in counteracting the dangerous effects which 
vices can produce, it is most instrumental to fill the 
souls of the wicked with fear and terror, and inspire 
the masses of the people with respect and unbounded 
confidence in its ability to protect them. 



REPUBLICANISM. 

In a republic the entire nation or a portion of it is 
invested with the political authority. The word "re- 
public" is derived from the Latin "respublica" which 
means "the public thing," or "public interests." 

The constitution under which the people in a body 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 33 

are supposed to retain and exercise the sovereign 
power is democratic in form; such were the common- 
wealths, of Athens and Rome in the ancient times, of 
France in the latter part of the eighteenth century, 
and such is now the great American republic. "De- 
mocracy" comes from the two Greek words, "demos- 
kratos" meaning "the government by the people." Its 
principles aim at placing all men on the same social 
and political grade and making the people or every 
man "sovereign and subject" at the same time. 
Under this form of government suffrage is the method 
most generally employed to elevate men to public 
offices; and these offices are accessible to all citizens 
who can be elected, for they are all supposed to be 
honest and intelligent alike. 

The political institution, under which only one 
portion of the people governs is called "Oligarchy" 
or "Aristocracy," as were Sparta, Carthage and 
Venice. "Aristocracy" also comes from the Greek 
"aristos-kratos," which means the "government by 
the best citizens." As implied by this definition, 
the aristocratic republic, like monarchy, recognizes 
in men an admixture of virtue and vice, and asserts 
in some individuals their superiority over others as 
to integrity of character and intelligence and thereby 
prefers choice appointuients to the use of the ballot 
for filling most of the political positions. 

This constitution relies, in a groat measure, on the 
strength of a judiciary }Hnver; but democracy de- 
pends, almost entirely on civic virtue, which princi- 

3 



34 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

pally constitutes the competence of men for a free 
government, although some virtue is necessary in 
the former, and some legislation in the latter. 

As the political power in any country gains strength 
in becoming centralized, so does it become weaker 
according to its degree of extension among the people 
and consequently virtue is expected to produce, in 
the one case, the same results that are intended by 
the laws in the other. 

It is claimed by all democrats that not alone on 
the accessibility of state offices to all citizens, but also 
on the frequency of elections and changes in the per- 
sonnel of the government can all true patriots base 
their hopes of serving their countr}', and preserve 
their institutions. According to these principles, the 
people, and more particularly their public officials, 
not only are expected to conduct themselves with the 
strictest integrit}^ but they must be aninfiated with 
ardent zeal for the welfare of the commonwealth. 

It is easily perceived at once, that if nothing could 
ever come out of political contests but the rise of 
patriots to prominence, and if public good were al- 
ways the chief object of all statesmen's or politicians' 
emulation, national enthusiasm or public spirit would 
be so highly aroused and become so permanent, as to 
render men capable of achieving glorious deeds for 
the nation, insure the stability of the republic, and 
prove its superiority over all other forms of govern- 
ment. 

It is urgent, then, that the system of education, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 35 

principally in a democratical republic, be adapted to 
subdue selfishness, the ruling sentiment of mankind, 
and inspire men with pure patriotism by cultivating 
in their souls disinterestedness, moderation and 
justice. Consequently, whenever any one declares 
himself a republican or a democrat, if he really un- 
derstands the literal meaning of his utterances, he 
pretends to have at heart the interests of all his 
countrymen, and asserts a most excellent behavior 
in all things, independently of strong laws or severe 
penalties. If led by political aspirations, he accepts 
or announces his candidacy for a public trust, he 
thereby boasts of a great purity of character and 
freedom from all selfish motives regarding the position 
he wishes to occupy; and moreover, he is supposed 
to be endowed with a moral force sufficient to resist 
all mischievous temptations, as dangerous opportu- 
nities may, from time to time, present themselves to 
him while intrusted with the direction of public 
affairs or the care of the people's treasures. 

But, unless his ideas or his public acts correspond 
with his professions of civic virtue, he is not qualified 
for a free government. Notwithstanding all his pre- 
tenses, he is, at best, indifferent to the good of the 
nation, and is interested in the government only as 
far as drawing pay from it is concerned; or ho favors 
a free constitution simply because under its rule, he 
can be far more trusted, has far greater opportunities 
of gratifying his personal ambit it)n in cairying out 
his dishonest designs, and sees far better chances of 



36 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

enjoying impunity, than under any other form of 
government. 

It is therefore evident that, when in a republic the 
people can no longer rely on the honesty or the dis- 
interestedness of their public servants, their interests 
must be placed in a most serious jeopardy. Such is 
the danger of the situation that their institutions 
oFer them no adequate substitute for the lack of 
patriotism. It is idle to attempt at reforming a cor- 
rupt democracy. Let republicans or democrats sa}' 
whether they are capable or incapable of a free gov- 
ernment; in the former case, reforms are needless, 
because civic virtue is the rule of their representatives; 
and in the latter case they are impracticable, because 
the very nature of the political constitution is now 
the main source of its triumphal vices, and it is im- 
possible to regenerate a people through the same 
principle that has brought their demoralization. 

Nevertheless demagogues always pretend, and re- 
spectable statesmen or politicians sometimes endeavor, 
to purify the state of politics, but the greater or more 
apparent their zeal in that direction, the more does 
the evil grow, generally, no matter how prosperous 
may the commonwealth appear in the eyes of the 
people. They may still succeed in enacting some 
salutary laws and even correct a few abuses; but 
never are such performances productive of any real 
advantage. As a medical remedy, which seems to 
cure a bod}^ by blotting out its external sores, fails 
to remove the root of the disease, so may schemes 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 37 

of reform in a democracy, subdue vices in a few par- 
ticular cases, but they can not eradicate them from 
its political systems, nor keep them from cropping 
out again with renewed vigor or continuing to spread 
with increasing rapidity. 

A virtuous democracy has no occasion for much 
legislation or any great amount of litigation; nor are 
laws or severe written penalties of much avail, when 
corruption has once made its appearance among the 
citizens. Nevertheless it is observable in every 
republic that the principal function of any party gov- 
ernment, besides rewarding its supporters with patron- 
age or lucrative appointments, is the enacting of new 
laws, which, like the old ones, are, never, or, at any 
rate, not half way carried out. A commonwealth of 
this kind swarms with office seekers entirely opposed 
to the principles of true democracy, and with states- 
men eager but to show their intellectual powers, to 
promote their own interests or those of certain rings, 
through legislation. Under this regime, long and 
useless judicial trials, both civil and criminal, are far 
more carried into practice than any thing else except 
other political and social vices. The better class of 
citizens in lamenting over such state of public morals, 
denounce their public officials in the most vigorous 
terms of villipendency. The public speakers and 
other popular educators, who, personally, are the most 
interested parties in the permanency of a wreckless 
government, to attempt at proving the stability of 
their free institutions, Hatter the [>C(.iple by referring 



38 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

to their adaptability for democracy, to their sense of 
duty, and to their loyalty to the established authority. 
But, meanwhile they unconsciously exhibit their lack 
of confidence in their political principles, by recom- 
mending^ a strict enforcement of the laws, and ex- 
horting all citizens to make a more frequent and 
better use of the ballot box in the future than in the 
past, by electing honest men as their representatives. 
Were it possible that laws could be strictly or justly 
executed, no one would have to urge their enforce- 
ment; and if the people were competent for a demo- 
cratic constitution, one man would be just as good 
as the other, at least, with regard to honesty. All 
their speeches are about similar in tone and abound 
with the sonorous utterances of "equality, freedom 
and liberty, man's rights, this glorious republic," and 
the like; but, equally remarkable by their lack of 
sound advice, or good sense. 

While the people find themselves almost constantly 
involved in a state of turmoil about primary meetings, 
convention meetings, ratification meetings, elections, 
inaugurals of new legislators or magistrates, and ap- 
pointments of officials, suggesting new ideas, and dis- 
cussing new plans of reforms, the state of political 
and social affairs keeps growing gradually worse, and 
litigation is being rapidly promoted for the benefit of 
certain privileged classes, but the course of justice is 
the more obstructed. In fewer words, it is all election 
and law, but very little justice. 

Nor have the people any just ground to complain 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 39 

of the difficulties that confront them, or find fault 
with any of their public servants for neglecting their 
duties or abusing their trusts. While they admit 
that the office is for the public good, they ought to 
know that, practically, it is too often for the politi- 
cian's private good. 

It is folly for any one to believe that the masses of 
public officials will devote many years of their life to 
politics for the sake of the commonwealth rather than 
for their individual interests, especially in an age and 
in a country of rapid material progress. Having to 
derive their living or their wealth from their official 
positions, they must gain their popularity in the 
fondness of pleasing all characters, instead of pun- 
ishing or proposing to punish any of the criminals. 
Again', if those professional politicians, have, in their 
electoral campaign, spent large sums of money, some- 
times amounting to'more than their official fees, can 
it be said that they all are so patriotic, or so wealthy, 
or so honest that they will not reimburse themselves, 
by receiving bribes, or otherwise defeating the ends 
of justice? Besides, the votes of malefactors are 
equal to those of the best citizens; and it is known 
that the latter will not hold any officials to account 
for not strictly enforcing the criminal laws, but that 
all the criminals in the land will unite their efforts to 
defeat at the polls all politicians who dare to mote 
them out justice for the protection of society; and that 
difference of feelings among the pot^iplo goes far to 
create that relaxation of the judicial fiiiic.ion of a re- 
public, and principally of a denu>cracy. 



40 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Now, if we bear in mind that the democrat is both 
sovereign and subject, how can we reasonably hope 
that the sovereign shall always punish the subject for 
injuring another? 

When, in any country, every citizen is supposed to 
be competent for a free government, the people have 
no more right to expect redress from their constitu- 
tion against criminals than to think that any of them 
after the commission of his deed, shall accuse himself, 
traduce himself before the tribunal of justice, con- 
demn himself and inflict upon himself his due penalty 
by entering into prison or voluntaril}^ ascending the 
scaffold and launching himself into eternity. 

In time of moral decadence, every political party 
claims a superiority of intellect or of public spirit 
over all others, and assign to them all the woes of 
the republic. However, of all factions, that holding 
the power, which, for the sake of the commowealth 
ought to be the purest, is generally the most infected 
by corruption. By the free and unscrupulous use of the 
public treasury, by the money contributions of favored 
capitalists, trust companies, corrupt rings and public 
officials, through partial or unjust legislation, and by 
their adopting a fraudulent or equivocal policy, local, 
national, or foreign, they may, for a long time yet, 
retain the reins of the government. Their opponents, 
in their loud clamoring against the conduct of public 
affairs, will seem to champion the people's interests 
so long as they will remain in the opposition. If they 
once arrive to power, they may still, ai: the outset of 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 4I 

their administration, announce a policy of reforms, 
exhibit the most honest intentions and the most scru- 
pulous care in all things; but the time may soon come 
when they shall prove as corrupt at least as their 
predecessors have been. 

In the struggle of parties the men who use politics 
but for their own aggrandizement, if not always in 
larger number, are much more ambitious and crafty, 
much more active, and generally much more success- 
ful, than those who cherish the welfare of the nation. 
The man of honor, rather than adopting such methods 
as are employed by the unscrupulous or dishonest 
politician, to insure his success, will suffer a defeat 
or entirely abstain from the political field. Besides, 
he may be characterized by a great man}', as unfit for 
the public service, an obstructionist to progress, an 
old fogy, a mean opponent to the prosperity of wide- 
awake citizens. Thus is the true statcbman, or the 
earnest and courageous defender of popular rights, 
often supplanted by the demagogue, in a political con- 
test. But, now, let it be supposed that, from time 
to time, a dishonest individual be removed from of^ce, 
this same coveted position may still be filled by 
another as bad, at least, if not worse than his prede- 
cessor. The principle which, once, has promoted 
a rogue is apt, in a like manner, to substitute another 
rogue in his place. How frequently does it occur that 
men elected for their supposed storlini; merit turn 
out, at last, public^ plunderers? Yet kucnving all this 
the people continue holding elections for the purpose 



42 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

of securing honest officials. As a great many find 
themselves betrayed by those whom they have trusted, 
so do others willingly cast their votes for a corrupt, 
rather than an honest man. 

Under all such circumstances, it can be fairly as- 
serted that the nation's affairs are managed princi- 
pally for the benefit of professional politicians of any 
party in power. 

The founders of the commonwealth had judged all 
men by the standard of their own honest}^ and patriot- 
ism ; but now a vast multitude of individuals judge 
others according to their own principles of injustice. 
In the earlier times of the republic, the general 
welfare of the country was the main object of all men's 
ambition, but now it is the coveted prey of active 
politicians. At this stage of political contagion, they 
clamor louder than ever before for rights and liber- 
ties, but recognize no duties, no restraint whatever. 
A boundless license is known by the name of freedom, 
and the enforcement of laws by that of oppressive 
tyranny; loyalty or respect to the established 
authority is called submission to Ca^sarism or despot- 
ism, and disrespect or the privilege of insulting mag- 
istrates, enfranchisement. The busiest institutions 
of the country are the courts of law, but there is but 
little protection for the people. An honest man is 
often called a fool, and a dishonest individual whose 
schemes are successful is said to be endowed with 
great intellectual powers. If one is conscientious, 
they say he is too honest, and if not strictly scrupulous 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 43 

in all things, he is considered the worst rogue among 
the living. A crime is no crime until it becomes 
known by the masses, that seem to make one's guilt 
consist but in his lack of cunning to escape detection. 
A criminal is disgraced, not by the commission of his 
awful deed, but by the punishment inflicted upon 
him; and the worst miscreant can recover his liberty 
and retain his honor if he has enough money at his 
disposal to buy a few democratic officials or sover- 
eigns. 

These are, as yet, but the symptoms of republican 
or democratic demoralization. But what can be more 
amazing than that some people should proclaim 
democracies as wonderful achievements of wisdom 
and virtue and cite them as model governments, when 
they surpass by far all others on earth for injustice, 
daring frauds, bold robberies, perjury, murders, illegal 
capital punishments, and all acts of desperation or 
depravity. Such is the spectacle presented by a people 
of sovereigns without crowns, of subjects without a 
sovereign or a protector, of slaves without a master. 
Hardly anything exhibits more inconsistencies, more 
contradictions, more monstrosities than corrupt 
democracies, when their practices are brought into 
parallel with their fundamental principles. 

The truth of the matter is, the enactment of laws 
is the easiest, and their enforcement, the most difticult 
task, which any government has to perform, and a 
constitution democratical in form is unccjual to this 
task, because founded upon ci\ic virtue, it is not 



44 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

specially designed to deal against vices, and conse- 
quently it lacks the power required to protect society 
and those rights of men so much talked of by repub- 
licans and democrats throughout the world. 

Any corrupt republic, new or old, great or small, 
rich or poor, is a failure, and the mere fact that it has 
become corrupt makes it a failure. It is worse than 
a failure, or a body without soul, it is the greatest 
affliction which a nation can possibly suffer. The 
possibility of its constitution remaining democratical, 
in such a state, without incessant upheavals, can not be 
attributed to the competency of the people for a free 
government, may they be so proud, and so boastful 
of their intelligence, of their education, and of their 
material prosperity; as they can show no title to that 
glorious distinction, when true patriotism has once 
ceased to be the dominating sentiment of their public 
men. 

Moreover, the spirit of boundless liberalit}^ in 
republics, which tolerates or favors the diffusion of 
ideas or doctrines conflicting wnth moral principles 
never fails to develop in people those vices that are 
most opposed to the principles of true democrac}', 
and consequently always results in rearing an unwieldy 
community. Whosoever has acquired a false knowl- 
edge wanders more from the truth, and is less capable 
of governing himself than he who has never attended 
any school, and resembles an edifice, which, defective 
in construction, must be repaired for public safety. 

It would be unnatural and hardly possible for the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 45 

masses of a nation, devoid of learning, to uphold by 
their suffrages, a system of government subjecting 
them to a regime of abuses and iniquities. Their 
common sense alone, enabling them to pass a fair 
judgment on the general aspect of public affairs, 
would, no doubt, lead them to reject with indignation, 
or, at least, oppose, in the most energetic manner 
any political institution of a like character. But 
when a people claiming a superiority of intellect over 
all others and boasting of an incomparable diffusion 
of education in their country, submit cheerfully to 
the dictates of corrupt parties, yield to the rapacious 
greediness of their public officials, keep up in idle- 
ness a vast crowd of so-called patriots and of office 
seekers, and recognize with pride, in the function of 
their complex political organization, a state of bound- 
less license, roguery and lawlessness under the bom- 
bastic names of "equality, freedom and liberty," they 
have already sunk themselves, to say the least, below 
the level of a merely ignorant population. This illus- 
trates, in the most unequivocal manner, the deplorable 
state of apathy and blindness which any naturally 
bright people can be reduced to by paradoxical prin- 
ciples' of government coupled with a defective system 
of education. 

It has been at all times an axiom of political 
science, accepted by fair-minded republicans and 
monarchists alike, that if civic virtue should not be 
the inflexible rule of public men in a democracy, the 
people would suffer under its constitution, more 



46 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

abuses and more tyranny than under any other govern- 
ment. There is nothing truer than that proposition; 
for what more infamous regime could people endure 
than that which places them constantly at the mercy 
of myriads of political wolves? What royal despot 
can be compared for ingratitude, hypocris}', and 
malice, with that democrat, who, having reached a 
public office on the pretense of ardent love for his 
countr}', of an irresistible passion for serving the inter- 
ests of the people, uses his trust to aggrandize him- 
self, and even to plunder them? 

Evidently, the political and social state of a repub- 
lican nation can not be regenerated unless the 
constitution of its government shall be first radically 
changed or entirely remodeled. 

•Their ability of preserving their form of govern- 
ment, for the present time, is shameful rather than 
creditable to them, and is consequently attributa- 
ble to other causes than intelligence and education. 
The same vices that have corrupted a large portion 
of the people render them the more devoted to their 
monstrous system of politics, as, being completely 
demoralized by its influences, they are incapacitated 
for the exercise of any respectable profession. 

The better classes, impressed with the false idea 
that no other form of government could afford them 
more adequate means of protection than the free and 
frequent use of the ballot, or simply concerned in 
their private affairs, although they are not all blind 
to the increasing difficulties that threaten the repub- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 47 

lie, still continue to praise rather than condemn the 
cause that produces them. They may foresee and 
even foretell what the terrible results will be, but 
they are not inclined to make any exertion to avert 
them, and console themselves with the thought that, 
should any catastrophe ever arise from their state of 
politics, it is yet so far off that they shall not live to 
witness it. 

When, in a commonwealth, every individual regards 
his private interests dearer than those of his country, 
her government cares nothing for her destiny or her 
next generation. What can be said of those republi- 
cans or materialists who find their felicity in a state 
of licentiousness, and, while depending on death for 
their deliverance from its approaching calamities, 
impassibly contemplate in the future, that fatal 
moment, at which their descendants, many of whom 
miraculously escaped before their birth from the 
sacrilegious attempts of their luxurious mothers, shall 
succumb victims to their false principles? 

Of two republics the one which lies peaceably and 
apparently contented in a state of corruption and 
absorbed in profound admiration of her genius and 
of her glory, offers the world a spectacle far more 
gloomy and far more scandalous than the other that 
rises as a storm against a like regime, and whose 
momentary convulsions are the nearest to her eman- 
cipation and her restoration to a reign of justice and 
order. If people are to be congratulated for re- 
sisting the oppressive rule of one or of a few men. 



48 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

how much more praise would they deserve for endeav- 
oring to emerge from fetid stagnation and Hberate 
themselves from the hands of a constantly rising 
multitude of tyrants? 

One need not be Isaiah, Jeremiah or Ezekiel to 
predict the woes reserved to a commonwealth of this 
character. No results can be anticipated from the 
future course of events, but a steady growth of press- 
ing difficulties, soon or late followed by incessant dis- 
orders; nor could the people ever save themselves 
from incalculable calamities unless they would acquire 
enough wisdom to know that their free and effete 
constitution has become the principal cause of their 
woes and unite their efforts in substituting a stronger 
and more rational government in its place. To judge 
from human nature, it is possible, but unfortunately 
there is but little hope that such revolution could 
alwa}'s be effected by concerted action or moderate 
measures. In these times, the greatest danger threat- 
ening societ}', is, not the fall of the republic or the 
rise of a dictator, which demagogues, anarchists, 
ignorant or narrow-minded men may apprehend, but 
the probability, and it may be said, the certainty of 
their continuing, for any indefinite period, to suffer 
the intolerable caprices of their public servants, and 
the wickedness of all the criminals in the land. At a 
certain stage of their national growth, the people may 
be roused from their old lethargy b}' momentous ex- 
igencies of personal safety, and attempt to revolu- 
tionize their political state, perhaps clinging mean- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 49 

time to the first principle of their old government, 
which they may still blindly cherish. But this 
movement could only be the beginning of their most 
serious troubles, finding it impossible to secure a 
power capable of protecting them against lawlessness 
until their worn constitution shall have been dissolved 
or have run out of existence tlirough a long reign of 
bloody upheavals or civil wars. The history of 
democracies prove all these assertions, in the most 
irrefutable manner. 



ANARCHISM. 

Anarchism is often considered as a state in which 
there is no government of any form whatsoever, a 
reign of extreme confusion and destruction, although 
such condition has never existed in any country, ex- 
cepting perhaps some newly discovered places or 
others that never had had any legally organized in- 
stitutions. However so distracted or so demoralized 
the politics of a nation may be, if once it had a gov- 
ernment, the people are never afterwards left without 
a power of some kind at the head of their public 
affairs. 

But there are a great many men, who, pretendi!ig 
to be most practical in all things, but still so intensely 
materialistic as to be blind to all moral causes, can 
not recognize anarchy but in its most excessive results. 
Can we never perceive anarchy without civil wars. 



50 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

without incessant riots or bloody upheavals, without 
bombshells or dynamite, or other like means of de- 
struction, without blood running in the streets, or 
without the sight of human bodies hung at street 
corners, at the lamp-posts, at the chimnies and over 
windows or entrances of buildings? 

It can not be denied that the cause which brings 
to a nation such terrible calamities, must have made 
its appearance long before the time of their occur- 
rence. This cause may fairly be termed moral an- 
archy, or principle of anarchy, and commences to 
exist when men are permitted to insult their magis- 
trates or public officials; when the government can 
not inspire the people with respect for its authority. 
Anarchy is increasing, when the execution of the 
laws becomes generally relaxed, and vices and crimes 
are growing. Anarchy is prevailing and assumes 
alarming proportions, when the established authority 
is publicly and boldly defied, when the sacred rights 
of men are openly violated and trampled upon by 
individuals or factions arrogating to themselves the 
legal power. Such is the state of a corrupt republic. 



THE DEMAGOGUE. 

Any individual is but an atom in a nation; and 
almost every honest man is apt to disregard his pa- 
triotic duties, rather than his private interests, think- 
ing no one iuvhis country dearer to him than himself. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 5 I 

His wishes for the public welfare are good and sincere, 
but he sees but little in store for him in making 
sacrifices for it. While most of the best men stand 
in such state of indifference towards the Common- 
wealth, the demagogue is wide-awake to his own 
aggrandizement judging from his own utterances: 
"Why should I sacrifice or even only neglect my own 
welfare for thousands or millions of others? How 
could so many people's interests be conspicuously 
served by one individual? It is evident that none of 
them would feel the effect of my services ; my disinter- 
estedness and my exertions, thus disposed of, like 
the vote cast for the unsuccessful candidate, would be 
wasted away. Yet, suppose that the masses would 
derive some good from my public acts, why should I 
care for the people when every one of them cares but 
for himself. But now see the difference: how much 
good could the nation do me without feeling the 
sacrifice in the least degree? Still it would be a great 
relief to this dearest part of the Commonwealth. If 
I do not work my own salvation who or what is going 
to save me, when it is known that from the usual 
course of events in all republics arose this maxim: 
*Take care of number One. ' Our government is a 
democracy which means 'the government by the 
people.' It opens its magistracies to all men alike. 
A great many have derived power and wealth from 
our free institutions. I am one of the people, and 
why should I not become powerful and rich too, like 
other republicans or democrats?" 



52 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ANCIENT EGYPT. 

The most authentic source of information at our 
disposal shows that the Egyptians were the most re- 
nowned among the nations of antiquity for political 
wisdom, although no past experience could have 
furnished them with any such valuable knowledge. 

In their primitive state they vested in their priests 
the direction of civil affairs, at no time giving them 
absolute authority; and subsequently led by more 
liberal ideas, they made monarchy elective. But, 
afterwards, as the population was growing, they 
found that popular elections were creating in the 
nation a spirit of dangerous rivalry, and apprehending 
serious trouble from the struggle of factions for power, 
they rendered the crown hereditary and conferred 
upon their kings more authority than the priests had 
possessed in the earlier times, although their power 
was still limited. Far from abusing their political 
privileges those rulers subjected themselves to more 
rigid laws and regulations than their subjects, whom 
they permitted to prescribe for them their mode of 
living and the distribution of their time. 

The unity of God was the fundamental principle of 
the Egyptians' religion; and they believed in the 
immortality of the soul and in a future state of pun- 
ishment and reward. A king had to be strictly relig- 
ious. In their opinion, the mere preservation of 
man's life and property could not be the only object 
of civil governments. They believed that, as the 
nature of man was far superior to that of the brute. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 53 

and his soul had a destiny beyond the end of this Hfe, 
morahty should be the first principle of all political 
institutions. For this reason, religious doctrines were 
recognized paramount to all other teachings, and 
their influence was considered indispensable to render 
a government solid and capable of managing the 
masses, and protecting society. The priests, having 
relinquished the reins of the government, became 
second in order to the kings. Being the best edu- 
cated, and wisest advisers as to the general good of 
the population, they were intrusted with the care of 
public morals and of all branches of learning. 

The inflexible execution of the laws was justly 
deemed as the first duty of rulers and the most neces- 
sary function of the government for the prosperity of 
the nation. The king was the chief justice of the 
country; and a great man}^ judges, mostly priests, 
were appointed by him, to preside over the law courts. 
Satisfied with a plain statement of facts they were 
opposed to the insidious resources of eloquence being 
employed, and in all judicial cases pleadings •were 
presented to the courts in writing. 

Premeditated murder, perjury and sacrilegious theft 
were punished by death. 

The incorruptibility of Egyptian judges became 
proverbial among the nations of antiquity. As in no 
monarchies are the judges elected by the people, so 
are they not depending on political contests, nor 
obligated to any party for their positions. Having no 
favors to ask or reciprocate, entertaining no fears 



54 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

from the opposition or cabal of political adversaries, 
the}' are free to dispense justice to all classes alike 
without hesitation, or delay, or partiality. The relax- 
ation of justice which is always immediately followed 
by the decay of public morals, never fails to promote 
litigation; but, from all accounts it can be said that 
at all times there was but little legal strife carried 
on among the ancient Egyptians. 

He, who has acquired the mean habit of running 
down the living, will be very apt to praise the dead, 
principally because he can no longer fear of being 
serviceable to them by bestowing upon their character 
his soft terms of adulation. Liberality and candor 
are easy virtues, when they are practiced but in words, 
and are not rivaled by envy or jealousies. In order 
to induce every individual to live moderately and act 
honestly none but deserving persons were allowed to 
be eulogized after their death. The kings themselves 
were no exceptions to this rule. Adulation can do 
much more good to the living than to the dead. 

Idleness was considered so dangerous to the peace 
and safety of the nation, that no man was permitted 
to live in such condition; every one was obliged to 
show his means of support, and become useful to the 
state by embracing some trade or profession. All 
trades or professions of utility were respected and 
patronized; but no one was allowed to practice more 
than one branch at one time, and every individual 
had to practice that of his father, By this system 
each man was acquiring all the exprience and attain- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 55 

ing the highest degree of perfection in his own 
specialty, that could be hoped for. Thus, he was 
taught to be satisfied with his position in life, and 
was the more apt to retain his earnings by refraining 
from the practice of some trade which he had never 
learned, or from dangerous speculations. The laws 
regulating the professions of medicine and surgery, 
show how much the monarchy cared for the rights of 
every individual. The physicians and surgeons were 
obliged to acquire all the knowledge furnished by the 
professional career, and the experience of later prac- 
titioners. Their blunders causing death to any per- 
sons were punished with death. In both of these 
sciences the Egyptians equalled the Greeks and the 
Romans of the succeeding ages. 

It is impossible to deny that their legislation, though 
excellent in many respects, was very imperfect in 
some cases; the marriage between brother and sister, 
the parent's right of life or death over their children, 
and polygamy, were in vogue. But these defects or 
others of a like character, so common to all ancient 
nations existed also in the republics of later times; 
and it was reserved for Christianity to liberate the 
fairest portion of mankind from all such monstrosities. 

The wisdom of monarchy in preserving the masses 
of the nation from the bitter strifes of professional 
politics united theui in the strongest bonds of loyalty 
to the government. The respect which they showed 
to their civil magistrates as well as to their spiritual 
advisers raised the standard of decorum nnd good 



56 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

manners, and promoted the ends of justice and order 
by inspiring men of mischievous disposition with awe 
for the estabhshed authority and the fear of its pun- 
ishments. The education of the children taught them 
.nodesty, discretion, obedience, and veneration for 
their parents and old age. These teachings and cus- 
toms, which prevail in all monarchies, are but little 
observable in any advanced democracy. 

Gratitude, disinterestedness, and moderation al- 
though not strictly required by their form of govern- 
ment, were among the virtues most highly esteemed 
by the Egyptians; and as they are also flourishing 
in modern monarchies, they must necessarily be 
assigned to the influence of their rule upon the char- 
acter of the people, while those same virtues which 
are essential to the success and the stability of a free 
government are alwaj's replaced or upset by the op- 
posite vices in any grown democrac}'. 

Husbandmen, shepherds, artists, merchants and 
mechanics composed the classes of society that ranked 
below the orders of priests and warriors. The two 
former elements were especially honored b}' the 
people, who justly considered agriculture and the 
breeding of cattle as the basis of a nation's great 
w^ealth; and Egypt grew extremely rich with these 
two branches of industry. It is often said that the 
masses in ancient nations were subsisting on herbs 
and roots; that is an error. For thousands of years, 
the Jews, the Egyptians, the Greeks, the Romans and 
other nations lived on fish Hud the same kinds of meat 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 57 

and crops as the modern nations. The country 
derived its greatest wealth from the wheat and corn, 
which in succeeding ages became the principal resource 
of Rome and Constantinople. 

Sciences and arts were most liberally encouraged 
by the government and the priests. All nations of 
antiquity that followed the Egyptians were indebted 
to them for geometry, chemistry, hydraulics and the 
zodiac. Architecture was the first of the liberal arts. 
Their monuments and even the ruins of their public 
edifices, which command in our times the admiration 
of the most skilled artists, and the sculpture and paint- 
ings that adorn them show the degree of perfection 
which they attained in fine arts. The inscriptions on 
their monuments representing the trophies of their 
conquests and other national events, having assisted 
in transmitting to posterity their history, exhibit the 
richness of their literature. 

Their great mechanical ingenuity is observed in the 
mode of construction and in the use of materials in 
their structures; and the tempering of the tools which 
they used for cutting the hardest rocks gives us proof 
of their advanced knowledge in metallurgy. 

Their manufactures of linens, pottery and other 
like articles were excellent, and the best of ancient 
times. Their glass, furniture, arms and metal vessels 
were worthy of the Greek's attention. 

Although the Egyptians were not a warlike nation, 
the military profession was considered by them as an 
absolute necessity; niul a large and well trained army 



58 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

was kept in constant pay and always in readiness, to 
insure the security of the country against the designs 
of foreign nations. Egypt could boast of renowned 
warriors and has made great conquests; but it excelled 
principally in furnishing mankind with the first ele- 
ments of civilization and even of polite learning, a 
most munificent gift of monarchy. It is in Egypt that 
Pythagoras, Lycurgus, Solon, Plato and a large num- 
ber of other Greeks, completed their studies in all 
branches of learning. 

The rulers of Egypt, with a single exception, in 
manifesting their unbounded zeal for the welfare of the 
countr}^ illustrated the identity of their personal 
interests with those of their subjects. Mesraim, the 
first Egyptian king, founded Memphis, which he ren- 
dered very materially prosperous, and directed the 
attention of the population to the culture of fine arts. 
Busiris, to insure the safety of his people fortified 
and surrounded Thebes with a high rampart of great 
strength. The population of this city, which, under 
his reign, amounted to not less than a million inhabi- 
tants were enabled by the wisdom of their sovereign 
to hold posesssion of Upper Egypt in repelling the 
invasion of the Phoenicians and Arabs. From this 
time the entire country was submitted to the laws of 
Thebes. Egypt acquired its first library, owing 
to the liberal spirit of Osymandias, whose name be- 
came afterwards celebrated for erecting several mag- 
nificent palaces, and encouraging sculpture and 
painting, Uchoreus, having no less concern for tht^ 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 59 

security of his subjects than Busiris had exhibited 
for Thebes, built around Memphis a wall capable of 
protecting them against the attacks of foreign legions. 

In what republic can we find as great a benefactor 
of mankind as King Moeris, who caused to be dug that 
immense lake, known by his name? This excavation 
was used as a reservoir for water, to correct the irreg- 
ularities of the inundations from the Nile, in order to 
protect the population of Egypt against both famine 
and devastation. In addition to this lake, canals 
had been cut in all directions to irrigate the high, as 
well as the low, lands, by means of spiral pumps, 
driven by oxen. When the flood was too low, and 
famine was feared, the right volume of water was 
allowed to run into the river and through the canals 
spread over the lands; but if the inundation was so 
high as to cause alarm the superfluous part of the wa- 
ter over a sufficient quantity to insure the crops was 
conveyed into the lake. By means of this wonderful 
work of engineering, property and lives were secure 
against inundations, and abundant crops were insured 
every year. 

Sesostris, having conceived the project of aggran- 
dizing Egypt, started to conquer nations. Aided by 
the loyalty of his subjects, whose affection he had 
won by his justice and benevolence he had been 
enabled to raise an army of more than six hundred 
thousand men, renowned for their discipline, their 
fidelity and courage. In a few years he submitted 
Colcliide, Scythia and Ethiopia, and afterwardii 



60 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

returned to his states with thousands of chariots laden 
with the spoils ot his conquests. Upon his arrival 
he recommended that his officers and his soldiers be 
so munificently rewarded as to pass the remaining 
days of their existence in ease and comfort. But 
denying himself all calm and repose, he occupied the 
remainder of his life in erecting a considerable num- 
ber of temples and monuments, the construction of 
which promoted to a high degree the condition of the 
laboring classes. Moreover, he employed the captives 
brought from his conquered possessions in building 
up mounds of ground, in all parts of Egypt, and 
cities on top of them as refuges of safety for men and 
beasts in times of high floods. He connected the 
Nile with many canals dug through the land, to in- 
crease the facilities of trade, and protect the country 
against the removal of the enemy's cavalr}' incursions. 
He fortified the eastern coast for twenty miles in 
length, and also increased the fertility of the soil by 
the addition of irrigating canals. 

The successors of Sesostris contmued to govern 
Egypt on his line of policy, and erected a large num- 
ber of monuments, among which the three great pyra- 
mids. Sethon liberated the country which had been 
devasted by Sennacherib, king of Assyria, by destroy- 
ing his arm}' in front of Jerusalem. Since the times 
of Alesraim, twenty kings had existed, reigning for 
the prosperity of their subjects over a period of twelve 
hundred years. After the death of Thoroca, Sethon's 
successor, the Egyptians, unable to agree with regard 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 6 I 

to the succession, were, for two years, in a state of 
anarchy. At last the kingdom was divided among 
twelve lords, who built that famous labyrinth com- 
posed of twelve great palaces similar in dimension 
and design; each of them having a subterranean story 
intended as a vault for the body of one of the kings. 
One of these sovereigns was taken down from the 
throne by his own subjects, because his state had 
been partly overrun by the armies of Nebuchadnezzar, 
king of Babylon. On the death of Psammenitus, 
all Egypt was submmitted to the authority of Cam- 
byses, king of Persia, and subsequently to Greece, 
till the death of Alexander the Great. At that time, 
Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, established a new mon- 
archy which continued to exist to the reign of Cleo- 
patra, a period of about three hundred years. Then, 
the country was conquered by Octavius and became a 
Roman province. Since that time Egypt passed, in 
succession, to the Saracens, the Turks, the Mame- 
lucks and Ottomans, and for many centuries past, 
has been one of those important points of strategy on 
which centered the diplomatic policies of the greatest 
nations of Europe, on account of its offering the 
world an easy and short sea passage between Europe 
and India. For this reason her government has been 
weak, and her resources have been neglected. 

It is said that in the times of her ancient civiliza- 
tion, her population amounted to seven million in- 
habitants. 



62 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

SYRIA. 

Syria is situated North of Palestine, between the 
Euphrates river and the Mediterranean basin. It 
was settled in the fifteenth century by Egyptian and 
Babylonian colonies. Afterwards the Aramaeans oc- 
cupied the principal towns of the country. It was 
divided in many small kingdoms, of which Damascus 
was the most important. 

The Syrians, resting in perfect security under their 
monarchial government, first devoted all their atten- 
tion to the culture of the soil. 

At Damascus centered, for a long time, the com- 
merce and the principal affairs of Asia. This city 
was connected with the three portions of the ancient 
world, by three routes leading respectively to Tyre 
in Phoenicia, to Egypt, and to Persepolis, Ecbatan, 
Babylon and Palmyra. The caravan trade which 
was carried extensively on these roads, and also the 
manufacturing interests, made her one of the most 
prosperous cities in the world. Various branches of 
industry were promoted to a high degree of perfection. 

The art of writing originated in Syria and was intro- 
duced elsewhere by the Arabs. 

Syria became an Assyrian province 736 B. C. 



PHOENICIA. 

Phoenicia was located west of Syria on the coast of 
the Mediterranean sea, occupying a portion of that land 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 63 

now known as Palestine. It contained a great many 
cities, among which Tyre and Sidon were the principal 
ones. Phoenicia was ruled by a monarchial govern- 
ment, and every one of its important towns was a 
separate kingdom. 

Although the citizens gave their kings possession 
of their respective territory, and permitted them to 
enjoy a life of splendor, they limited their power, 
especially with regard to all decisions on war or 
peace with foreign nations. It is an error of modern 
times that all ancient monarchies were despotic or 
entirely absolute. The Phoenicians, debarring them- 
selves from the profession of politics, resolved to take 
the best advantage of their position, and develop 
their natural resources. Their laudable endeavors 
were crowned with tremendous success, for they 
excelled all other peoples of antiquity for inventions, 
industry and commerce. 

Although it is doubted that they were the inventors 
of glass, embroidery and purple dyeing, it is certain 
that they perfected those arts, invented goods for 
wearing apparels, and various other articles of neces- 
sity and luxury. 

Their skill in navigation, which has never been 
equalled by any nations till the modern times, ena- 
bled them to open commercial communications with 
Greece, and Italy, while they carried their trades as 
far east as the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. 

Not only did they export the immense products of 
their own manufacture, but they also disposed of 



64 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

those of other monarchies. To promote their inter- 
ests, both in exportations and importations, they 
established bureaus of exchanges at many points, 
which, a short time after, became rich and populous 
colonies. It is the Phoenicians that taught the people 
of the Mediterranean sea the first lessons in all the 
industrial branches known in their age, also arith- 
metic and the use of weight and measure which they 
had learned from the Babylonians. In 527 B. C. 
Nebuchadnezzar took Tyre, and subjected Phoenicia 
to the Assyrian empire. The god of both the Syrians 
and Phoenicians was Baal, and their goddess, Astarte. 



ASSYRIA AND BABYLONIA. 

These two kingdoms combined formed one of the 
greatest and most powerful empires in the world. 
In early times it occupied all the land situated be- 
tween the Euphrates and the Tigris rivers, but sub- 
sequently the kings extended the limits of their 
dominions as far west as the Mediterranean basin, 
and in all other directions. 

Notwithstanding all the obscure and conflicting 
records of history, it seems incontestable that this 
country was settled, and its monarchies founded, as 
early as the twenty-third if not even the twenty- 
sixth century before the Cliristian era. The names 
of Nimrod, Semiramis, Assur and Ninus are men- 
tioned as those of the founders of both governments. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 65 

It is said that some of the sovereigns, whatever they 
might have been, having resolved to immortalize 
their names, conceived the design of excelling all their 
predecessors and successors in Asia by the magnitude 
of their enterprises, and the magnificence of their 
achievements. 

In building up and rendering both Babylon and 
Nineveh the mightiest and the richest of all cities 
that ever existed till the founding of the Roman 
empire, they attained the height of their ambition, 
while promoting the welfare of their people. Those 
high ramparts of extreme thickness and girting sixty 
miles, those high and colossal towers and those 
massive gates of brass insured the security of a large 
population in each of those cities against foreign 
aggression. 

The cutting of canals and the building of banks on 
both sides of the Euphrates protected the city of 
Babylon from inundations, and served, at the same 
time, to fertilize the soil. In addition to all these 
gigantic works, the quays, and the bridges built of 
stone and so constructed as to overcome the difficulties 
and dangers offered by the sandy bottom of the 
river, and also those immense hanging gardens, parks 
and broad avenues, indicate the engineering skill and 
the cultivated taste of the people. Nor any of the 
ancient nations but the Greeks surpassed them in 
sciences and arts. 

The temple of Belus and all their other public 
edifices, and city houses of three or four stories in 



66 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

height were remarkable for their architectural beauty, 
and the perfection of other arts related to building. 

They obtained a wonderful success in all their 
manufacturing schemes. They are said to have been 
the first people versed in the arts of spinning gold 
thread and of embodying it in other stuffs; of carving, 
painting, and gilding on wood, metals and stone; of 
casting gold, silver, and iron figures of men and 
animals, or any other objects. They excelled also in 
purple dyeing, and in dyeing of silks and other goods, 
in the making of pottery, embroidery, goods for wear- 
ing apparels, furniture and other household goods. 

Their merchants became very wealthy in carrying 
on an active and extensive commerce through their 
navigable rivers. It is the Assyrians that made the first 
essays in medicine; physic had its origin in Babylon. 
To the Babylonians is the world indebted for the 
science of astronomy, and it is through their astrono- 
mic observations that the true extent of the solar year 
was fixed. Like the Syrians and the Phoenicians the 
Assyrians worshiped all kinds of idols, and even 
their sovereigns. Their principal god was Bel, and 
Venus their goddess was known under the name of Ish- 
taror Mylitta. During the period of certain festivities 
at Babylon, women were allowed to prostitute them- 
selves publicly, and were even impelled by their 
religion to use the temple of their goddess as a resort 
of the most infamous debauchery. 

It is almost incredible that a people so far advanced 
in art, industry and commerce, could have conceived 
such monstrous ideas as to morality. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 6/ 

Sardanapalus was the last king of the Semiramis 
dynasty. Arbaces, the governor of Media, revolted 
against his authority, and by vanquishing him put an 
end to the first Assyrian empire, 759 B. C. 

The empire was then divided in three states; Nin- 
eveh, Babylon and Media. Babylon became a repub- 
lic; but the rage of civil dissensions that immediately 
followed the establishment of this form of govern- 
ment, incited the people to return to monarchy with- 
out much delay. Nabonassar, son of Belis chief of 
the defunct commonwealth was raised to the throne, 
and his crown made hereditary. 

Although some of the Assyrian kings were very 
corrupt, despotic and worthless, the people reasonably 
considered themselves still more secure under their 
rule than at the mercy of an unwieldy multitude. 

However, the great majority of the kings have been 
excellent princes. 

In the beginning of the sixth century B. C. Nabo- 
polassar, allied with Cyaxares, attacked Sarac suc- 
cessor of Nebuchadnezzar I., and destroyed Nineveh; 
and assisted by his own son Nebuchadnezzar, he sub- 
dued the Egyptians, the Jews and the Syrians. It was 
at this time that Jerusalem was taken and a large 
portion of its inhabitants were brought as captives to 
Babylon. 

Nebuchadnezzar II. became one of the greatest 
kings of the Babylonian empire and the master of 
Chaldea, Palestine and Arabia. He was succeeded 
by inferior men. His grandson was dethroned by 



68 GOVERiNiMENTS AND TOLITICIANS, 

the people on account of his disorderly life, and his 
crown was transferred to his son Belshazzar, who 
was not much better than him. It is under the latter 
reign that Cyrus, in conjunction with his uncle 
Cyaxares, took Babylon and subjected it to Media 
538'B. C. Both the Assyrian and Babylonian empires 
had lasted at least iSoo years. 



MEDIA AND PERSIA. 

Arbaces, the governor of Media, in revolting against 
Sardanapalus and overthrowing the first Assyrian 
empire, won the independence of his country. 

After this, it is very interesting to notice the Medes 
attempting to establish a free government. For a 
short period they seemed to be prosperous. But un- 
fortunately, licentiousness, under the appellation of 
liberty, soon brought to the people a state of anarchy 
more dangerous and more intolerable than the worst 
royal despotism they had ever before experienced. 
Dissensions, frauds, larceny and murder prevailed in 
the land. The people saw the danger of their situa- 
tion and resolved to put an end to disorders. After 
deliberating on this momentous question of public 
security, they attributed their woes to the freedom of 
their institutions, and concluded that monarchy was the 
only government capable of restoring justice and order 
in the country, and promoting their prosperity; and 
this political revolution was peaceably accomplished. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 69 

Dejoces was exalted at once to the royal dignity, as a 
reward for his moral conduct and his principles of 
justice. Never afterwards had the Medes any occa- 
sion to regret their changes; for, besides Dejoces, 
all his successors, Phraordes, Cyaxares, Astyages, 
Cyaxares II. and Cyrus were among the most excellent 
kings of both ancient and modern times. 

After the death of his uncle Cyaxares and of his 
father Cambyses, Cyrus consolidated the kingdoms 
of Media and Persia, which, combined with the con- 
quest of Babylonia, formed, at that time, the greatest 

m 

empire in the woild. 

In the first year of his reign Cyrus permitted the 
Jews to return to Jerusalem, after seventy years cap- 
tivity. He administered the affairs of the country with 
the most consummate wisdom. In order to watch with 
more vigilance over' his states, he successively occu- 
pied the capitals of Assyria, Persia and Media, which 
were the cities of Babylon, Suse and Ectaban, re- 
spectively. 

His twu sons, Cambyses and Smerdis, who suc- 
ceeded him, lived but a short time. An impostor 
represented by the magi, as the latter son of Cyrus 
ascended the throne; but he was soon removed by 
an association of seven Persian Lords, 521 B. C. 
Having overthrown the magician party, these Lords, 
representing the people, deliberated sometime, on the 
form of government suitable to Persia, and declared 
monarchy the best adapted to the government of any 
nation. Darius was then raised to the throne and 



70 GOVERNiMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

his promotion was sanctioned by the consent of the 
population. It is him who first carried on war against 
Greece. In his reign the empire reached the summit 
of its glory; nor has ever existed in antiquity a mon- 
arch more celebrated in wisdom and benevolonce 
than Darius; and almost all his successors have en- 
deavored to emulate his spirit, by manifesting their 
zeal for the interests of the people. 

Notwithstanding the regal authority in Persia was 
so absolute that the kings had a right upon the life 
of their subjets, their power was, in a measure, 
limited by a council of advisers established by the 
people to assist them in administering state affairs. 
This council consisted of seven Lords who were first 
the same individuals that founded the m.onarchy. 
The Persian kings lived in the most magnificent style; 
and their Seraglios, like those of the rulers of Turkey 
and Oriental nations in our times, were occupied by 
the most beautiful women. 

The Satraps, who were governors of provinces 
lived in a splendor comparable to that of the kings. 
From the times of Darius, they numbered only 
twenty, and exercised a power almost unlimited, 
which after creating dissensions throughout the 
country, became one of the chief causes of Persian 
decadence. 

The most reliable historians of antiquity report 
that the Persians recognized but one God as the 
Supreme Being; that, while they seem to adore the 
fire, the water, the earth, the sun and the stars, they 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 



71 



were only worshiping the Creator of those elements. 
However the people were led astray by their magi 
or priests, who, like those of Assyria, were professors 
of that so-called science of judicial astrology, which, 
they pretended, made them so wise or so clairvoyant 
that they could foretell events and know the destinies 
of men. 



THE GREEK REPUBLICS. 

It is in Greece that the first republics, properly so- 
called, were founded. Sparta and Athens were, in 
the ancient times, the two most powerful common- 
wealths of that portion of Europe, and attained their 
political supremacy respectively in Peloponnesus and 
in the central division of the country. 



SPARTA. 



In the earlier times, the Dorians, who had settled 
in Sparta proclaimed Eurysthenes and Procles, the 
sons of thcjr old chief, kings of their city; and the 
successive famihes of these princes continued to 
reign by the will of the citizens for nine centuries. 
Those who had established themselves in Laconia, 
enjoyed, for a time, the same rights ris tbcir ciMnUr\- 
men of Sparta; but afterwards the latter destioxod 
this line of ecjualit}', depri\cd the former oi their 



72 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

citizenship, compelled them to enter into the military 
service, and pay a tribute to their city. The inhab- 
itants of Helos, who revolted against this tyranny, 
were vanquished and reduced to a most degraded 
state of slavery. The infliction of unrelenting and 
most cruel despotism upon them was the work of 
none but the people, themselves, by whose consent 
both kings were sitting on their throne. 

From that time the nation was divided in three 
castes; the Spartans, who remained in the city and 
exercised the sovereign power; the Lacedaemonians, 
their subjects, who inhabited the rural districts and. 
performed the military service, and the Helots, who 
were tilling the lands of their masters. The first 
caste numbered forty thousand; the second, one 
hundred and fifty thousand; and that of the slaves 
was more numerous than the other two combined. 

The new constitution which the Spartans received 
from Lycurgus was designed t© rear a race of brave 
and vigorous nlen, and of ardent patriots. This 
legislator, intending first to place all men on a footing 
of brotherly equality succeeded to establish among 
them a regime of communism in which all the lands 
were equally divided between the Spartans and the 
Lacedaemonians. Perceiving the evil influences 
which money had exercised upon the morals of the 
people, he destroyed its hold on them by substituting 
iron for gold coins as a commercial exchange, without 
however altering the relative value of the two metals. 
Then, they found the load of legal money equivalent 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 73 

in value to the smallest gold coin, too voluminous 
and too heavy to carry about their person or to 
handle with pleasure or convenience. Their mode 
of life was also regulated by legislation; "all dwellings 
and household goods were to be of the same style and 
same value, nor any luxury could be introduced into 
the community. All the people and even the kings 
were obliged to be present at repasts, which were 
invariably taken in common. These measures greatly 
contributed to check in their nature such vices as 
envy, jealousy, avarice and dangerous ambition, in 
rendering them far more disinterested and far more 
public spirited than they had been in the past. 

This regime of equality was possible in a small 
country of a scanty population, and at a time when 
material interests were few and people were engaged 
only in the professions of agriculture and war; but 
it proved impossible in a large population, or in a 
high state of civilization in any age, and especially 
in modern times. 

It is seen that the constitution of Sparta was repre- 
sentative of the main characteristics of all forms of 
government. It was royal, democratic, aristocratic, 
as to the Spartans and the Lecedcemonians, and only 
most despotic with regard to the Helots. 

All family feelings were subordinate to patriotism; 
for as soon as a child was born, it ceasetl to belong 
to its parents to become the ]M-(^porty of the state. 
Ail well formed and luMllhy children, when old 
enough, were sul)jccted to a nu^st rigid discipline of 



74 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

hardship, and those affected b\^ deformities, or feeble 
condition, were put to death. The education of boys 
consisted only in the most useful knowledge, and in 
learning and reciting some verses of Homers poems 
to become inspired by warlike enthusiasm; gymna- 
sium, racing, boxing and wrestling were their main 
exercise. They were trained to be discreet, respect- 
ful to all and especially to old age, to listen to those 
older than themselves, rather than to talk; to be 
modest after having achieved success in any thing, 
and courageous and patient in pain, sorrows and 
adversity. One of the principal rules of their disci- 
pline was their strictest obedience to those under 
whose command they were placed. At last, they 
were taugtit never to praise themselves under any 
circumstances, nor aspire to independence or freedom 
but after performing all their duties and fulfilling all 
their obligations. 

Wh\' should not the modern republicans or demo- 
crats find in this ancient code of laws a subject for 
deep reflection } Under that constitution the popula- 
tion became bound together by the strongest ties of 
affection, and animated by one sentiment, the love 
of the country. The laws were strictly obe\'ed or 
enforced during more than five centuries; and it is 
only long after political corruption became rooted in 
all the republics of Greece that the power of Sparta 
commenced to decline; and this state of endurance 
was owing mainh* to the inamovability of her chief 
ma^ristrates from the throne. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 75 

Lycurgus had visited the principal places of Greece, 
Asia Minor, and Egypt; he had the most admiration 
for the government of Minos, king of Crete, which 
was partly inonarchial and partly democratic. It is 
very significant that after all his travels through 
foreign countries, and having acquired a great 
political knowledge he deemed it prudent and wise 
not to remove the kings from the government of 
Sparta, But he established a senate, the members 
of which were to be not less than sixty years of age, 
and elected by the people for their life time; also an 
assembly of deputies elected but for a short period, 
and whose prerogative was to sanction or reject the 
laws proposed by the kings or the senate. After- 
wards five other magistrates were appointed, called 
'Ephori,' and entrusted with a power about analogous 
to that of the Roman tribunes. The Lacedaemonians 
had the right to send delegates to the popular assem- 
bly for the only purpose of deliberating upon affairs 
regarding Laconia. 



THE ATHENIAN COMMONWEALTH. 

The Spartans considering the fertility of their soil 
sufficient to furnish them ample means of subsistence 
had accepted the legislation of Lycurgus which made 
them a nation of soldiers. But the territory of Athens 
was so barren and so defective that its inhabitants 
hail to imiitut thoir food, from other places, and con- 



"jG GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

sequently the first duty of its government was to en- 
courage the development of industry, and the culture 
of arts and sciences. 

The constitution which this city received from 
Solon was not purely democratical. It divided the 
people in four classes, three of which were eligible 
to all public offices; and the fourth had no political 
privileges but sitting in courts of justice, and in pop- 
ular meetings. The nine archons retained their 
official positions, but their authority was reduced 
by the establishment of a senate, whose members 
vvere chosen from ihe four castes in equal propor- 
tions. The duty of this senate was to discuss laws, 
and propose laws to the people, in public meetings, 
who had the right to accept or reject them. Their 
decisions had to be approved, first, by the archons, 
and afterwards by the Areopagus, before becoming 
laws. This Areopagus was composed of the archons 
whose terms had expired, after giving a satisfactory 
account of their official conduct. The people them- 
selves were deciding on war. 

Every tribunal of justice consisted of five hundred 
judges, none of whom could be less than thirty years 
of age. Like all other magistrates they were elected 
by the people, and were presided over by an archon. 
The education of children was compulsory. To excite 
patriotism and honesty in the hearts of men, it was 
decreed that all those who would distinguish them- 
selves in the public service or on the battlefield, 
would be awarded a golden crown. Cowardice was 



ANCIENT AND MODERN ^J 

considered a great crime, and very severely punished. 

Ostracism was also instituted, and enforced against 
all public men, whose conduct seemed prejudiciah 
to the general interests of the commonwealth. 

The constitution of Solon was inaugurated under 
the administration of Pisistratus, and it is authentic- 
ally reported, that without the benign influence of 
his dictatorship the Athenian democracy would have 
been a failure from the beginning. Although he ex- 
ercised an absolute power over the people, no ruler, 
in any succeeding period, did more than him to pro- 
mote the prosperity of the commonwealth in all 
respects. Pisistratus was succeeded by his two sons 
Hipparchus and Hippias. The former fell victim of a 
democratic conspiracy formed amidst dissensions and 
civil troubles; and the latter, as the chief of the 
aristocratic party was afterwards overthrown by 
Clisthenes, the leader of the democracy. Then 
Hippias went to Asia to solicit the assistance of the 
king of Persia, who espoused his cause, in summoning 
the Athenians to surrender him the sovereign power. 
Their refusal to obey this command was a pretext, 
but not the main cause of the Medic wars. 

Besides Sparta and Athens, at the time of the 
constitutions of Lycurgus and Solon being established, 
every small city or tribe became an independent com- 
monwealth, having its president, its popular assembly, 
and its tribunals of justice. But very little interest 
is attached to their special history, which, however, 
is surfi::iently included in that of Athens and Sparta. 



78 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The Spartans, the Athenians, and all the other 
people of Greece believed in a Supreme Being, whom 
t'hey worshiped under the name of Jupiter. Besides, 
the}' had other gods, such as Apollo, Mars, Vulcan, 
and Pluto the ruler of the infernal regions, and the 
goddesses, Juno, Diana and Venus. 



MEDIC WARS. 

Both of these republics had long prepared them- 
selves for that gigantic conflict of arms with Asia, 
which was about to break out. Leonidas and Pau- 
sanias led the armies of Sparta; Miltiades, Aristides, 
Themistocles and Cimon commanded those of Athens. 

The revolt of the Greek cities in Asia Minor 
against the rule of Persia was the inauguration of that 
terrible war, 504 B. C. At the outset, they were 
aided by the Athenians, who attacked Sardis, the 
ancient capital of Lydia, and destro3'ed it by the 
flame Then, the Persians, with the assistance of the 
Phoenicians, subjected Cyprus, the Dorians, the 
i^olians and the lonians. Miletus was taken by as- 
sault, and all her inhabitants, without exception, were 
massacred. The Athenians having met with serious 
reverses had already abandoned the cause of their 
allies; but their desisting from the struggle, under 
such circumstances, was not deemed by King Darius 
of Persia suf^cient to atone for their former acts of 
rashness, and in his implacable resentment he resolved 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 



79 



to avenge upon Greece the burning of Sardis. 
Having speedily accomplished the subjugation of 
Ionia, he confided to his general Mardonius the con- 
duct of his expedition against the republics. This 
first attempt was a total failure; his fleet perished in 
a storm, while his land army was destroyed in Thracia. 
These disasters, however so tremendous, at the out- 
set of the conflict, could not subdue the indomitable 
spirit 'of the Persian monarch. Yet, before resuming 
hostilities he delegated ambassadors to all the Grecian 
cities demanding indemnity for their wrongs; these 
exactions were satisfied by some of the communities, 
bat the Spartans and the Athenians, in violation of 
international laws and of the rights of individuals, 
ordered the plenipotentiaries to be put to death. 
Without further delay, Darius, exasperated by hearing 
of their barbarous conduct, dispatched a great army 
to Greece, giving his generals strict orders to destroy 
her cities. Some places became entirely deserted by 
their inhabitants, who, terrified by the approach of 
the invaders, had fled in all directions; and many of 
the isles were taken without much struggle. Eretria 
after a few days of heroic defense, fell in the hands 
of the Persians, thr(Migh the advices and cooperation 
of a few treacherous citizens. 

Rut the Athenians, nunibeiin<; o\\]y ton thousand, 
aided by one thcMisand cither Greeks, under the com- 
mand of Miltiadcs defeated the Persian arm\- at Mixr- 
athon. Immediately after his great victory, this 
indefatigable general relumed luistih- to Athens for 



8o GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

protecting her against the attacks of the Persian fleet, 
which he forced to retreat to the coast of Asia. 

In this first occasion, many of the leading citizens 
of Athens were unable to control their ill-dispositions 
towards their victorious commander. While exposing 
his life to peril for the interests of his countrymen. 
jMiltiades had already rendered them envious and 
jealous of his merit and achievements. Having no 
jiist ground for finding fault against him, his traducers 
exhibited their detestable feelings, by accusing him of 
vanity and personal ambition. Nevertheless, they 
continued to avail themselves of his military services, 
in giving him a new command, that of chastising the 
inhabitants of the isles, who, from fear, had sided 
with the Persians. At first he obtained success, but 
afterwards failed before Paros, and raised the siege 
of this city, upon the false advice that the Persian 
fleet was coming to attack him. He was immediately 
accused of treason. A short time ago, he had been 
severely censured for being proud of his victory, now 
he is prosecuted as a traitor, for his reverses. The 
bodily injuries, which he had received on the battle 
field rendered him incapable to appear in the popular 
assembl}', fcr clearing himself from the accusation, 
in confronting his accusers; and unjustly debarred 
from a fair trial, he was condemned to death. His 
sentence was commuted into a fine amounting to 
fifty-five thousand dollars of American money. The 
hero of Marathon, unable to pay this large sum was 
thrown into prison, where he soon afterward expired, 




ANCIENT AND MODERN 8 I 

both from the bitterness of sorrows and from the 
wounds inflicted upon him infighting for a capricious, 
fickle and ingrate people. After the disappearance 
of the unfortunate Miltiades, th-e most ardent rivalry 
sprung up between Aristides and Themistocles. The 
latter, actuated by a boundless ambition for power 
and fortune knew how to gain popularity among the 
Greeks, and by having recourse to the art of flattery 
and intrigue, he, at last, succeeded Miltiades to the 
command of the fleet. Aristides was too sincere to 
flatter, and too dignified and reserved to cabal, and 
for no other cause than his usual policy of justice 
and honesty in his judgments and all his dealings, 
he was exposed to the persecution and slanders of 
envious demagogues or enemies. Themistocles scrupled 
not to lead the prosecution against him whom he 
accused of aspiring to the crown, and proposed that 
the rule of ostracism be enforced upon him. Thus 
was Aristides, surnamed "the just," banished from 
Athens. 

Nevertheless, to do Themistocles justice, it is said 
of him that he used all his power and his abilitv for 
the good of his country, and greatly endeavored to 
preserve the utiion of all republics to render Greece 
capaljle of successfully confronting any future emer- 
gency. 

It was under his administration that Xerxes, son 
and successor of T^arius, proposed to vindicate the 
defeat of his father. In the year 4S1 1>. C. he crossed 
the Hellespont, (now the Dardanelles) and invaded 

6 



82 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Greece with an army amounting to more than two 
milHon men. Meanwhile Sparta and Athens were 
determined to resist the invasion of this tremendous 
army. Aristides was- immediately called from exile; 
and Leonidas, at the head of only three hundred 
Spartans and a few other brave men from other cities 
went to occupy Thermopylae, a pass through mount- 
ains, connecting Locride with Thessalia, and hardly 
wide enough for two chariots abreast. 

It is said that the troops of Xerxes were at first re- 
pulsed, and could never have effected this passage 
had they not been assisted by a treacherous individual 
who directed them through another route. Notwith- 
standing all the eulogies bestowed upon that handful 
of men stopping for a moment the advance of more 
than a million soldiers, it is evident, at first sight, 
that there was nothing wonderfully surprising as re- 
gards their temporary success. The difficulty of the 
situation in wdiich the Persians were placed had more 
to do with their reverse than the resistance of the 
Greeks, which under any other circumstance could 
not reasonably be considered as anything but a 
suicidal attempt. It made no difference whether the 
Persian army numbered two million, or only three 
hundred men, for no more troops could have taken 
an active part in the engagement than were allowed 
by the breadth of the defile; and it is more than 
probable that the Greeks had chosen a position that 
could best enable them to harass the front of the 
enemy without much danger to themselves; and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 83 

considering everything, it is easily seen that the 
Persians might have fought under such disadvantages 
as to oppose ])ut one to two or more combatants on 
the other side. Leonidas and his surviving followers 
could perhaps have rendered their country a greater 
service, than they did the following night by sacrific- 
ing their lives to the title of a vainglory, in the camp 
of the Persian army. However, such examples were 
apt to stir up the energies and inflame the courage 
of all the Greeks, and may have contributed after- 
wards much to their ability of winning battles in con- 
tending against numerical superiority. Nor was the 
martial valor of the Greeks to be underrated. They 
were a new and vigorous nation, in a primitive 
state of civilization, and with a few exceptions, free, 
as yet, from all political and social corruption, trained 
in obedience to their chiefs, and inspired by their 
system of education with ardent patriotism and dis- 
regard for death. Wonders are naturally achieved 
by men of such sentiments, defending their homes 
and their country, and fighting for independence. On 
the other hand, the Persians of those times could not 
be compared with the soldiers of Cyrus who conquered 
Babylonia. The state of extravagant magnificence 
and luxuries which their riches permitted them to 
enjoy, their intemperance, the abominable indulgence 
of almost all rich men in the lusty pleasures of 
seraglios, in war as in peace, had, at last, so much 
weakened their physical and mental strength that 
they were no longer fit for active military service. 



84 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Their empire which was the continuance of the 
Assyrian or Babylonian power, had lasted nearly two 
thousand years, and like all other human institutions, 
might it have been so great and so pompous, was 
used up and about ready to vanish. Yet, while the 
physical and moral condition of the two nations is 
respectively considered, we must not forget the fact 
that Greece, a country of mountains and valleys, 
offered the native troops decided and great advan- 
tages over those foreign soldiers, who were not 
acquainted with the irregularities and difficulties of 
the soil and the ways of communications between the 
main places. And it is not doubted that at man}' 
points, besides Thermopylae, the nature of the 
country considerably helped small armies of Greeks 
to defeat large armies of Persians. 

Soon after the defeat of Leonidas, Themistocles 
vanquished the Persian fleet at Salamine; and this 
reverse incited Xerxes to retire to Asia. Meantime, 
Murdonius having three hundred thousand fresh 
troops under his command, was still entertaining the 
hope of subjugating Greece, and promised his sovereign 
to repair all his reverses. He marched against Athens, 
which he ruined a second time, but he was beaten 
by Pausanias at Plata:^a. On the day of this battle, 
the combined armies of Sparta and Athens destroyed 
at Mycal, the remainder of the Persian fleet, that had 
escaped the disaster of Salamine. Thus ended the 
Medic wars; and the Persians having relinquished 
their design of conquests in Greece, were compelled 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 85 

for thirty years longer to carry on a defensive struggle 
against the Greeks of Asia Minor, who had resolved 
to recover their freedom. 



PERIOD OF PROSPERITY FOR ALL THE 
STATES OF GREECE. 

BEGINNING OF INTERNAL DISSENSIONS. POLITICAL AND 
SOCIAL CORRUPTION. THE REIGN OF PERICLES. 

In the period of hfty years which elapsed from the 
end of the" Persian wars till that of Peloponnesus, 
Greece attained the height of her glory, and was justly 
considered as the most civilized country in the world, 
l^esides extending her authorit}^ over a vast territory, 
the Mediterranean sea and all its islands, she made a 
wonderful progress in various branches of industry, 
and promoted sciences, fine arts and literature to a 
high degree of perfection. So long as they had been 
engaged in war against a foreign nation, Sparta and 
Athens had remained alHed and succeeded to unite 
and hold in the bond of patriotism all the other re- 
publics of the country, under their respective leader- 
ship. The absolute necessit}' of their struggling for 
existence, making the general good of the entire 
country the object of every republic, and of every 
man's sacrifices, had, so far, developed their virtues, 
and subdued, at least to a great extent, the violence 
of their vicious propensities. For, although they 



86 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

had exhibited their spirit of discord, rancor, jealousy 
and ingratitude in the management of their pohtical 
affairs and in their conduct towards their leaders, 
bound to obey the strict rules of military discipline 
and the dictatorial powers of their magistrates for 
their own preservation, they had not, as yet, been 
seriously disturbed by civil dissensions. 

When peace returned, their prestige of victory, 
the rebuilding of their cities, the tilling of the soil 
and the breeding of cattle introduced into every com- 
monwealth a condition of wonderful prosperity. 
Athens became the seat of learning, and the most 
renowned city in the world for the number and the 
magnificence of its temples, theatres, monuments and 
palaces. 

But, meanwhile, this regime of peace, of rising 
civilization and of splendor brought with it a state 
of political and social corruption. In the earlier 
time of the Athenian democracy, when the country 
was still in its primitive state, the public good had 
been the main object of all men's ambition, but now 
almost every active partisan attempts to use politics 
for his own aggrandizement. The love of money 
and power substitutes itself in place of patriotism and 
disinterestedness. This is a fair beginning to refute 
the assertion of modern republicans and democrats 
that free government depends on the merely intel- 
lectual culture of the people. We shall see the 
Greek republics, incapable of bearing the weight of 
but a few years of repose and progress, and after 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 8/ 

carrying their arms into Asia, moved by the rage of 
their vicious animosities, throw themselves into civil 
wars, and thereby prepare the way for the conquests 
of their masters. 

After the Persian armies had retired from Greece, 
the Athenians immediately set at work to rebuild the 
ramparts of their city. This action excited the jeal- 
ousy of the Spartans who advised them to abandon 
their project. But Themistocles, while amusing them 
with promises and plausible explanations persevered 
in pushing the work to completion and prepared 
Greece for another struggle. It was resolved in the 
Amphyctionic council that now the Greeks should 
take the aggressive part against Persia, to assist the 
Asiatic colonies to preserve their freedom. The 
Spartan army was under the leadership of Pausanias, 
while Aristides, and Cimon the son of Miltiades, 
were commanding the Athenian fleet. They, at once, 
became masters of Cyprus and Byzance; but Xerxes 
demoralized by defeats, and no longer placing any 
confidence on the force of his arms, in the renewal 
of a military confiict with the Greeks, tried to conquer 
them by intrigues or by setting a price in gold against 
their generals. The first experiment of corruption 
was made on the Spartan Commander, Pausanias, 
who disgraced his title of conqueror of PlatcTa in 
selHng the interests of his country to the king of 
Persia. His treason consisted in setting at liberty 
thousands of prisoners who had been taken in the re- 
cent battles. Although Pausanias was put to death 



88 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

for his infidelity, from this time the Persian money 
continued to exert a most pernicious influence over 
the Greeks and contributed, not only to increase dis- 
sensions in the principal republics, but also to stir 
up that spirit of rivalry between the different Grecian 
states, which, at last, became the principal cause of 
their downfall. 

After the guilt of Pausanias was proved, the con- 
duct of Themistocles was rendered suspicious by his 
enemies or his rivals, jealous of his success. They 
ostracised him first, and afterwards accused him of 
having known and kept secret the designs of the 
Spartan general. Notwithstanding all his protesta- 
tions of innocence, he was sentenced to death. 
However, having succeeded to leave Greece he passed 
into Asia, where he went to solicit the hospitality of 
King Artaxerxes, the third son of Xerxes, who received 
him cordially and kept him in ro3'al style until he 
died. If Themistocles were not guilty of the accusa- 
tion, his sentence and his exile were sufficient to give 
him a moral lesson on his own detestable conduct 
towards Aristides. This great man who succeeded 
Themistocles was really the founder of the Athenian 
supremacy. The allies of Athens having expressed 
the desire that the war taxes should be imposed on 
all cities according to their respective wealth, Aristides 
was chosen for his justice by unanimous consent, as 
the general assessor of all Grecian cities. This re- 
markable man, after he had already been persecuted, 
and having now in his bands all the treasures of 
Greece, died poor, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 89 

On his death, Cimon, the son of Miltiades, was 
promoted to power. Fie made himself master of 
Amphipoh's, passed in Thracia, subjugated Syros, and 
drove the Persians away from all places between 
Ionia and Pamphylia and from Chersonesus. He 
compelled Artaxerxes to recognize the independence 
of the Greeks in Asia Minor (449). He endeavored 
to preserve the mutual friendship and the unity of 
the allies of Athens, and punished those who had 
taken side against her. The Spartans had always 
been elated at the difficulties arising from time to 
time between the Athenians and their old friends. 
But the unfortunate Helots having taken advantage 
of the occurrence of an earthquake to revolt against 
their masters, the Spartans manifested at once a 
great friendship for the Athenians, and solicited their 
assistance to repress that insurrection. A great many 
citizens of Athens wanted to see the haughty and 
aristocratical city of Sparta perish. However the 
sentiment of Cimon prevailed in favor of the latter, 
and he obtained the command of an army, which he 
directed to help her in putting down the rebellion of 
her slaves. But on their arrival at the field of battle, 
their assistance was refused; and the Athenians in- 
dignant at this insult held Cimon responsible for it. 

There had been for a long time a fierce rivalry 
raging, in Athens, between the democratic and the 
aristocratic parties. Pericles was now rising to prom- 
inence. He had always concealed his ideas and the 
object of his great personal ambition, but, at last, 



90 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

declared himself democrat, and began rivaling Cimon 
the chief of the aristocratic party. As the most 
eloquent and the most astute statesman and politician 
of his times, he found it an easy task to win on his 
side the masses of a people who were always clamor- 
ing for more liberty. Pericles helped the democratic 
party to take decided ascendancy over the aristocracy 
by proposing a radical change in the constitution of 
the government, that would give suffrage to all men, 
and open the public offices to all classes. Having 
thus become the most popular man in Athens, he had 
no difficulty in securing the banishment of Cimon, 
basing his accusation against his rival on the ground 
that as an aristocrat he had shown himself favorable 
to Sparta. 

In order to preserve his hold on the affection of his 
people, Pericles commenced entertaining them with 
public festivals and theatrical performances; he estab- 
lished new political offices, to give his warmest par- 
tisans appointments and salaries. From this time a 
large number of men gave up their industries to be- 
come professional politicians, and attempted to live 
out of the government. But, though Pericles had 
rendered the constitution purely democratical in form, 
he soon exercised an authority over the people as 
great as that of an absolute monarch. The time of 
his administration, was, no doubt, the brightest period 
in the history of ancient Greece; for he did more 
than any other statesman except Pisistratus to pro- 
mote art, science, oratory, poetry, and several other 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 9 1 

branches of learning, and under his rule, the state of 
Athens was remarkable by both impartial rendering 
of justice and prosperity. 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR BETWEEN 
SPARTA AND ATHENS, 

INVOLVING ALL THE OTHER REPUBLICS OF GREECE. 

After a reign of forty years, Pericles began losing 
his popularity. Amidst civil troubles he could see 
rivals or enemies rising everywhere against him. 
Moreover, the political supremacy which Athens had 
exercised over all Greece, under his statesmanship, 
had, in the beginning, excited the jealousies and the 
fears of other republics and especially of Sparta. 
This perspicacious ruler perceived in their spirit of 
rivalry pretext to stir up the passions of his country- 
men against them and reconquer their esteem; and it 
is said that for no purpose but retaining the power, 
he helped the ardent Athenians to launch themselves 
into the Peloponnesian war through which Sparta 
and Athens exhausted their vitality in contending 
against each other for twenty-seven years. 

All the other states of Greece took an active part 
in this terrible conflict, partly on the side of the 
former, partly on the side of the latter. Pericles 
died a few years after the beginning of the war; then 
Cleon, the chief of the democracy, and Nicias, the 



92 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

leader of the aristocracy, commenced their rivalry. 
Cleon, with all his audacity and his using of un- 
scrupulous methods, soon gained ascendancy over 
Nicias, m the political field, and under him, the 
democratic party acquired that spirit of turbulence 
and licentiousness that characterized it in the future. 
The dissensions and discord among the Athenians, 
combined with the conceit and the temerity of Cleon, 
were the main causes of the Spartan victories over 
them. Cleon and the Spartan general being killed 
in their last battle, peace was concluded by Nicias 
and the king of Sparta. Thus ended the first period 
of the Peloponnesian war (422). However peace 
was not to be of long duration. 



ATHENS IS TAKEN BY THE SPARTANS. 

THEBES CARRIES ON WAR AGAINST SPARTA. THE GREEK 
REPUBLICS AT THE MERCY OF KING 
PHILIP OF MACEDONIA. 

Alcibiades, a pupil of Socrates, was, at that time, 
the most influential and one of the most talented and 
ambitious, citizens of Athens. Considering war as 
the best occasion to illustrate his' genius, he formed 
a league in Peloponnesus to rival the supremacy of 
Sparta, which soon furnished a cause for the renewal 
of the conflict between this city ^nd Athens. Having 
obtained some military success, he was accused and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 93 

exiled. Soon afterwards being recalled, he vanquished 
the Spartans in many battles; but he was held re- 
sponsible for the defeat of his lieutenant-general 
Antiochus, and again banished. 

From this time the Spartans were victorious, and 
at last took Athens, under the command of Lysander. 
Her fortifications were demolished and her fleet was 
burned. Sparta entrusted the government of this 
city to thirty archons, who were afterwards put to 
death by the Athenians on account of their tyranny. 

After their great victory the vSpartans commenced 
exercising an intolerable despotism over their allies, 
and the Athenians. Agesilaus succeeded Agis I. to 
the throne of Sparta. He carried his arms against 
the Persians, who had been at war with the Greeks 
since the revolt of young Cyrus of Asia Minor preced- 
ing the time of the retreat of the ten thousand under 
the leadership of Xenophon. 

Agesilaus defeated the Persians at Sardis and other 
places, but he was recalled to Sparta for opposing a 
league which had been formed in Greece against her. 
Lysander had been vanquished and killed in battle. 
Agesilaus won afterwards a victory over the- confed- 
erate army; but his fleet was defeated near Cnide by 
the Athenians, who thus restored their supremacy on 
the seas. 

The king of Persia was dooi^ly interested in the 
continuance of that strife anunig the Greeks, in 
which thoy were exhausting; themselves in l^Knnl and 
treasure. Sparta, threatened again b)' the Athenian 



94 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

fleet, begged for the alliance of Persia, to whom she 
sacrificed the liberty of Greece. Relying on these 
allies, Lacedsemon cruelly chastised her enemies, and 
while Thebes, Argos and Corinth were submitted to 
her, the Athenians were deserted by their old ad- 
herents. 

We have seen the republics of Greece jealous of 
the supremacy of Athens form an alliance to humble 
her power; but now, as Sparta is at their head, they 
turn against her. It is Thebes that leads this struggle, 
under the generalship of Pelopidas and Epaminondas. 
They defeat the Spartans at Leuctrae and Mantinea, 
and make great conquests in Peloponnesus. 

Agesilaus died after this. The power of Thebes 
vanished at the death of Pelopidas and Epaminondas. 

Iphicrates and Timatheus, two Athenian generals, 
were exiled; and the brave admiral Chabrias, having 
suffered defeat on sea, drowned himself. 

At last Sparta and Athens exhausted, were almost 
in the power of the Persian king, while having to 
defend themselves against the designs of Philip of 
Macedonia. This king had been unanimously raised 
to the throne at a time when his country was assailed 
by foreign warriors on all sides. After winning a 
great many battles in various parts of Greece, he 
vanquished the Athenians at Cheronaea, and became 
master of the entire country. The soldiers of Athens, 
engaged in this battle could no more be compared 
with their ancestors that had fought at ^larathon or 
Salamine, than the troops of Darius or of his 
successors with these of Cyrus at Babylon. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 95 

It was in this period that the corruption of the 
Grecian repubHcs became most apparent. Demos- 
thenes, the leading democratic statesman of his time, 
and the most celebrated orator of Athens, says in his 
remarkable harangues, that Philip had conquered the 
Greeks by his gold as well as by the force of arms. 
He informs us that his country swarmed with venal 
souls and traitors, and to the iniquities of prominent 
democrats must be assigned the calamities of the 
commonwealth of Athens and of all Greece. 

Demosthenes, having defeated his rival Eschines 
in their great oratorical contest upon their respective 
merits, received a golden crown in reward for his 
virtue; but soon afterwards he was found guilty of 
having accepted bribes and exiled. Then the cham- 
pion of the Athenian democracy proved to be a man 
who would give with one hand and steal with the 
other. 



THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 

On the death of Philip, the Greeks revolted against 
his son and successor Alexander the Great, (356 B. 
C.) To subjugate them this new king crossed the 
Thermopyhe, and destroyed Thebes. Immediately 
afterwards he was chosen by the ("Irccian states as 
their chief, to lead thorn in their strug_i;lo for national 
existence and carry on war against Asia. Nothing 
is more interesting in the histtu}- of nations than th.e 



96 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

spectacle offered by these republics in imploring the 
power of a monarchy to save them from self-destruc- 
tion or from foreign oppression. 

King Cyrus of Media, in conquering Bab3donia, 
had accomplished the unification of the Oriental 
nations under the rule of Persia. Now, Alexander, 
making himself master of this vast empire will inau- 
gurate the supremac}' of European civilization over 
Asia. 

After intrusting his general, Antipater, with the 
regency of i\Iacedon he started on his warlike march 
against Darius Codoman, king of Persia, whom he 
defeated on tlie shores of the Granicus in Asia Minor, 
at Issus, in Mount Taurus, and finally at Arbela. 
The latter battle decided the fate of the Oriental 
countries in delivering up Babylon, Susa and Persepo- 
lis to the power of this famous conqueror. In the 
meantime, Alexander had subjugated Asia Minor, 
and the coast provinces with their principal cities, 
Sidon, Damascus and Tyre, and built Alexandria in 
Egypt. Afterwards he passed the Indus, defeated 
Porus whom he made a powerful ally. Coming back 
he established his headquarters at Babylon for ad- 
ministering the affairs of the empire, and died there, 
324 B. C. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 97 

REVOLT OF THE ATHENIANS. 

DEATH OF DEMOSTHENES. ATTEMPTS OF THE GREEKS 

TO RESTORE THEIR REPUBLICS. CONQUEST 

OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 

On hearing the news of Alexander's death, the 
Athenians immediately revolted against Antipater, 
giving no heed to the advices of Phocio, who had 
been the rival of Demosthenes in the time of Philip. 
The latter statesman was recalled from exile. At first 
Antipater met with reverses, but, having received 
reinforcements, defeated the Greeks and took Athens. 
Demosthenes was then condemned to death, and the 
great orator committed suicide by taking poison. 
Antipater established an aristocratic government, 
in which none but citizens possessed of a considerable 
fortune could have a voice, and Phocio was elected 
as its leader. But Cassander, to gain partisans, 
declared that every city in Greece had the right to 
govern itself. From this time, the entire country 
returned to the same political division and resumed 
the same principles, which had caused its dissensions 
and ruin before the time of Alexander. On the 
restoration of the Athenian democracy, Phocio was put 
to death. But Cassander overthrew the government 
and substituted that of aristocracy in its place, declar- 
ing that no man deprived of a certain income could 
take any part in the public affairs of Athens. It was 
about the year 201 B. C. after the dismemberment 
of Alexander's empire, and a long period of political 



98 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

revolutions and bloodshed, that the Romans com- 
menced interfering in the affairs of Greece. At last 
the astute Roman consul, Flaminius, having no object 
but to perpetuate dissensions among the Greeks, ap- 
peared to favor their clamors for political liberty, in 
proclaiming in the name of the senate of Rome that 
ever}^ Grecian republic would have an independent 
government. On the issuance of this proclamation 
the Greeks recognized Flaminius as their savior, but 
soon afterwards the consul declared Greece a Roman 
province. 



COMMENT UPON THE CHARACTER OF THE 

GREEKS, AND THEIR POLITICAL 

INSTITUTIONS. 

Of all the nations of antiquity, the Greeks were, 
undoubLedl}^ the most liberty-loving and the most 
talented; and the Athenians surpassed any other 
people in Greece, for genius and education. Never- 
theless, while their intellectual superiority is univer- 
sally acknowledged, what can more illustrate their 
incompetency for a free government than the manner 
in which they dealt with their prominent men from 
the beginning? All of them, except Pericles, were 
accused of serious misdemeanor, even of treason, and 
were, either ostracised or put to death. This states- 
man owed his salvation and his success, to his incom- 
parable talents, his eminent political abilities, his 
acute shrewdness, and his profound knowledge of his 
countrymen which enabled him to triumph over their 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 99 

turbulent and detestable dispositions. It makes no 
difference whether or not the others were guilty of 
the accusations proffered against them, as to forming 
one's opinion concerning the political principles of 
Athens. What are we to say of a people, expressing 
so much dread of a royal crown, so much horror of a» 
royal ghost, and clamoring constantly for freedom, 
for more freedom, for all the freedom they could 
secure, and yet so inconsistent, and so vicious that 
nothing less than the most absolute monarchy was 
strong enough to manage them? When w^e con- 
sider their lack of unity, their dissensions, their civil 
wars, their greediness, their state of corruption, under 
the popular and attractive name of liberty, there is 
nothing surprising that they were conquered, after 
such a short existence. 

A comparison between the Grecian republics and the 
Egyptian or Oriental monarchies presents us with a 
most striking and significant contrast. In the former, 
the people suspicion, deceive, rob one another and 
cut one another's throats; in the latter, the subjects 
not only love, but almost worship their sovereigns. 
Can it be doubted that, had the Greeks been united 
like the Asiatic nations, under one strong govern- 
ment, they would have saved much blood and 
treasure, and. maintained their independence much 
longer than they did? And as they were able to 
perform great achievements during their political 
turmoils and civil tr(Miblt\s, while thov asjiired toscimo- 
thing wdiich it was not in their nature to attain, how 



100 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

much more could they have accompHshed for man- 
kind and for themselves, had they, most of the time, 
employed their genius properly, and directed their 
energies towards the general welfare of Greece? 



THE GREEKS' JEALOUSIES OF THEIR CITI- 
ZENSHIP, AND THE EPICUREAN 
SCHOOL. 

Other causes besides merely political corruption 
accelerated the ruin of the Greek republics. Their 
unwillingness to extend foreigners the privilege of 
citizenship had reduced the population of Athens 
alone, during the most prosperous period of its 
democracy, from thirty to less than twenty-two 
thousand. Yet the Epicurean school, which was 
established in opposition to the precepts of Socrates 
and Plato, and tolerated by all the governments of 
the country, did more to weaken the states of Greece 
than any other cause, not excepting the wars. The 
doctrine of Epicurus taught men that everything per- 
taining to them ended with their life on earth, and 
for that reason they should care for nothing but ease 
and pleasure during their whole existence. The 
worst of it was; its chief principle aimed at the entire 
extinction of the nation: "The wise will not marry 
and procreate children, nor take any interest in polit- 
ical affairs." 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 



lOI 



ROME. 



THE MONARCHY. 



Notwithtsandini^ the confused or fabulous accounts 
of the origin of every ancient nation, all the most 
renowned historians concur in the statement that the 
Roman people began their existence in the year 753; 
nor is it controverted that Romulus was the founder 
of Rome and the first ruler of a monarchy, that lasted 
till 510 B. C. In that period seven kings ascended 
the throne successively, and according to tradition, 
all of them worked incessantly with zeal for the 
prosperity of their people. Romulus inaugurated his 
reign by alloting to all men equal shares of arable 
land. He established a council of a hundred of the 
most distinguished citizens to aid him in the govern- 
ment. It is that assembly which afterwards became 
celebrated by the name of "Senate," 

The population of Rome was divided in two prin- 
cipal orders, the Patricians and the Plebeians. The 
former were the descendants of the first senators, and 
constituted the Roman nobility. The latter were the 
masses of the citizens, and had but little part in the 
government. After having effected the union of the 
Sabines and the Romans, Romulus added a hundred 
other senators, known as "Fathers." (Patres Con- 
scripti.) 

The knights numbered three hundred chosen citi- 
zens, and formed, at first, the royal guard. 

Under the rule of Romulus, the population of 



I02 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Rome increased very rapidly. In the beginning he 
had settled Mount Palatine, and to it was added 
those of Quirinal and Capitoline, before the end of his 
reign. 

It is said that the throne remained vacant one year 
after his death, and the senate assumed the supreme 
authority. One of the senators was to wear the 
crown but five days, in order that every one of them 
might be honored by the title of king. But the people 
soon tired of so many masters and so frequent 
changes, and exalted to the throae a Sabine, Numa 
Pompilius, renowned for his wisdom and peaceable 
character. 

This ruler greatly encouraged agriculture ; and while 
he instituted a state religion, he created a temple to 
Vesta, and founded a college of Virgins whose duties 
were to keep up the sacred fire on the altar of the 
goddess of purity. These Vestals derived revenue 
from the state, and made a vow of chastity for thirty 
years. 

Numa enacted laws relating to the right of owner- 
ship, and fixed the limit and dividing lines of all lands. 

The reign of Tullus Hostilius was only remarkable 
for his conquest of Alba, which aggrandized Rome. 

Ancus ]\Iarcius, the last prince of the Latin-Trojan 
dynasty, although resembling Numa in many respects, 
was impelled to use his sword for defending his people 
against the Latins, whom he at last vanquished. 

Now the Greek-Etruscan family comprehending 
three kings began to reign. The first of these princes 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 



103 



was a Corinthian, and derived his name from Tar- 
quinies, a city of Etruria, where he had before resided. 
His popularity in Rome won him the royal crown. 
He erected magnificent buildings and fortification 
walls around the city, constructed those famous 
sewers leading the waters flowing from the mount- 
ains to the ocean, and laid the foundation of the 
capitol. 

Servius Tullius, the son of a Latin slave succeeded 
Marcius. His political reforms which placed the 
plebeians on a footing of equality with the patricians, 
in giving them access to public offices, incited the 
latter to conspire against him, and he was assassin- 
ated. 

Tarquin the Proud was the last king of the Etrus- 
can line. He is said to have been a despot, but this 
assertion, seems to be without proof but the fact that, 
like many other sovereigns, he was a rigid executive 
of the law; and than him no one has more contributed 
to the prosperity and the aggrandizement of the king- 
dom. He constructed the capitol and the circus, and 
won great victories over his neighbors. 

His son Sextus Tarquinius having, in a moment of 
dissipation, raped Lucretia, a Roman matron, the 
people led by Brutus, revolted against the authority 
of the king. Not only did the\^ remove him (vom the 
throne, and expel the whole family of the Tarquins 
from Rome, but, as if they could have reasonably 
ascribed that crime to monarchy itself. theysokMnnly 
declared it ab(^lished forever, and estabhshed the 
republic. 



T04 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

A few years later those republicans who had been 
so imbecile as to consider one or a few individuals as 
most dangerous beasts, and suppose, meanwhile, a 
larger number o£ men as mild as doves, were shocked 
by a crime analogous to that of Sextus Tarquinius 
committed by one of their own party. Fabius, a 
decemvir, renowned for his integrity, being enamored 
of a young plebeian girl named Virginia, caused her 
to be brought to him as one of his slaves. But be- 
fore he could subject her to his detestable passion, 
her father Virginius, warned in time, saved her honor 
by putting her to death. Fabius was murdered by 
the indignant people; but they had had no more right 
to hold monarchy responsible for the outrage upon 
the person of Lucretia, than now to impute the vile 
act of Fabius on Virginia, to the republic. If they 
gave up a form of government on account of one evil- 
doer, why should the}' long preserve any other with 
its thousands of criminals or public enemies? 



THE REPUBLIC. 

It is evident that the patricians gained more advan- 
tages than the plebeians by their political revolution. 
The kings had shown a disposition to place both 
orders on a political level; but after the downfall of 
the monarchy, a strong distinction line was drawn 
between them. It is true that the chief magistrates 
were to be elected annually, but the patricians were 



ANCIExNT AND MODERN 



105 



influential enough to make the republic aristocratical^ 
by enacting a law declaring that the consuls be 
chosen in their order. 

Brutus and Tarquin Collatin, the husband of Lucre- 
tia, became the first consuls. But the former sus- 
picioning his colleague of some treacherous design 
against the republic replaced him by another. The 
Tarquin family having resolved to reconquer the 
throne, the Romans had to struggle against them and 
the Etruscans during eighteen years before the com- 
monwealth was firmly established. 

After this war, the plebeians 'revolted against the 
exclusive policy of the patricians, and found it a 
difficult task to gain access to the management of 
public affairs. It is in that long and bitter strife that 
the tribunes were appointed. These magistrates who 
were chosen among the plebeians served to counteract 
the authority of the patricians, as they were intrusted 
witli the power of the veto against the decrees of the 
senate. The office of the ediles was also established; 
there were two of them, charged with the care of 
public and private edifices, markets and public amuse- 
ments. 

However it was not till the year 444 that the ple- 
beians were admitted to the consulate. Censorship 
soon followed. Nothing is more ridiculous in the 
Roman republic than the office of censor, whose duty 
consisted in examining the morals of the people, and 
scrutinizing the condut^t of scnatcn-s and public officials, 
especially as the Romans prclondod to be capable 
of self government. 



I06 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Those radical changes in the constitution, having 
conciHated the patricians and the plebeians for a 
while, enabled Rome to prosecute, with vigor, her 
war against neighboring nations, but failed to remove 
all causes of dissensions. 

Caius Marcius, the successful general of the -Romans, 
who had been crowned and honored by the arm}' with 
the surname of Coriolanus, solicited the consulate; 
and on the people's refusal to grant his demand, he 
proposed to punish them for what he considered in- 
gratitude on their part. During a period of famine 
he revolted against the authority of the tribunes, and 
threatened his countrymen to use his influence in 
bringing them the horrors of starvation, should they 
not dispense with those defenders of popular rights. 
The people indignant, banished him. But Coriolanus, 
in his exile, succeeded to stir up the Volsci, and 
obtained the command of their armies against the 
Romans, In a short time he took many cities by 
assault, and established his camp a few miles from 
Rome, which he would, no doubt, have also con- 
quered, had not Veturia his mother and Volumnia 
his wife disarmed his vengeance by their tears and 
supplications. After this the consul Spurius endeav- 
ored to recover from the patricians the land which 
they had taken from the Latins, and divide them 
between the latter and the plebeians. He failed in 
this scheme, and for having thus attempted to elevate 
the Latins to a rank of equality with the Romans, 
he was accused of desiring the crown, and thrown 
down from the Tarpeian Rock. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN IO7 

Republicans, in all countries and in all ages have 
always been noted for visionary schemes, and trials of 
absurd experiments, but no foresight. The tribunes 
and the patricians endeavoring to conciliate the inter- 
ests of the two orders, instituted a decemvirate, every 
member of which was to administer justice during ten 
days. The tyranny of this body was such as to be- 
come proverbial. The plebeians were imprisoned, 
put to death, and their property confiscated. After 
the episode of Virginia and Fabius, the decemvirate 
was abolished. 

Camillus, after vanquishing the Falisci, like the 
Greek generals, became very conceited and arrogant. 
Being accused of having appropriated a portion of the 
spoils of his conquests, he was banished, and in his 
exile prayed to the gods that the Romans be punished 
for their act of ingratitude. 

During his absence Rome was destroyed by the 
Gauls. About the time Camillus was recalled, the 
conquerors failed in their attempt to ascend the 
capitol, and were at last vanquished by that general. 
Now Camillus received the glorious title of second 
founder of Rome; and this city was immediately re- 
built. After the retreat of the Gauls, Camillus van- 
quished the Volsci, the Equites and all the peoples of 
Latium, whom the late reverses of the Romans h.ul 
invited to unite against them. Manhus Ca[iitolius, 
who had saved the capitol from the hands c^f the 
Gauls, jealous of the sut^cx^ss of ("aiiiilhis jxissed into 
the iH)pular part)', in which he tried ti^ gain ascend- 



I08 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ancy by demanding that certain taxes be abolished. 
He was arrested as a rebel and condemned by the 
tribunes to be precipitated from the Tarpeian Rock. 
At the time of the second invasion of Rome by the 
Gauls, the patricians and the plebeians became 
united. Camillus, being declared dictator, defeated 
the invaders. It is after this great victory that the 
first plebeian consul (Sextius) was elected. 

To compensate themselves the senators created two 
new patrician magistracies, pretorship and curule 
edility. The pretors were administering justice and the 
affairs of state in the absence of the consuls; and the 
latter occupied higher rank than the plebeian edility. 
Soon after all these dignities became, like ethers, 
accessible to the plebeian party, and Camillus erected 
a temple to Concord in commemoration of the union 
of the two orders. In their third invasion, the Gauls 
were repulsed by consul Papilius Lenas. 

Rome, ha\ing vanquished the Sabines,the Samnites, 
and liberated herself from the Gauls, had to conquer 
the Grecian cities of the eastern coast of Italy to 
achieve the unification of the entire country under 
her authority. This task, however, she found impos- 
sible to perform without much blood and gold, as 
those cities were to be aided by King Pyrrhus of 
Epirus. It is after the first military success of this 
powerful monarch that Fabricius, the true Roman 
patriot, at the head of an ambass}' from Rome to 
Epirus, astonished him by refusing his offers of bribes, 
of costly presents, and of magnificent proposals. 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 



109 



After suffering a second reverse, the Romans suc- 
ceeded in defeating the Allies. Now the victors turn 
their armies toward foreign lands. The attempt of 
the Carthagenians to become masters of Sicily, is the 
first cause of that long and deadly struggle that will 
commence raging between the republics of Rome and 
Carthage. 



TRANSITION OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 
FROM ITS PRIMITIVE CONDITION 
TO A HIGHER STATE OF 
CIVILIZATION. 

Agriculture, or any other state of a like character, 
is the most compatible with the democratical form of 
government. The requirements essential to the suc- 
cess of that political institution, in any nation, have 
always been found among the tillers of the soil, either 
ignorant or educated, in a far greater measure, than 
in most other classes. Reared from their earlier 
youth through a laborious and moderate mode of 
life, they are generally satisfied with their condition, 
and very seldom does their ambition extend beyond 
their modest and honorable avocation of reaping the 
harvest of their lands. Nor is there anything in the 
most attractive surroundings of rural life to e.xcite a 
strong desire for superlluous riches, luxuries and 
splendor; and in this state the heart of man will 
longer remain inaccessible to vices, and retain those 



I 10 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

virtues, which, alone, can render men capable of a 
free constitution. 

Such was the condition of the larger class of the 
Roman commonwealth ever since the Tarquins had 
been expelled from the throne, till the end of the first 
Carthagenian war, in the third century before the 
Christian era. During this period of about two hun- 
dred and forty-three years, next to agriculture, war 
was the most honored profession among the people. 

Under that regime the ancient Romans were the 
truest type of democrca}' that could be expected from 
mankind; for moderation, disinterestedness, "patriot- 
ism, courage and justice were the virtues assigned to 
their character. The dearest objects of their affections 
were tVieir modest homes, their fields and the welfare 
of the commonwealth. The soldier was submitted to a 
most rigid discipline, through which he fully devel- 
oped his strength and vigor, and acquired habits of 
hardship and perseverance; he was never allowed to 
remain idle or deviate from his frugal mode of life. 
Rome produced the most heroic warriors, and the 
most faithful generals of ancient times. The tillers 
of the soil, who were, from time to time, invested 
with dictatorial powers when taking the command of 
armies, in case of public danger, after having re- 
pulsed the invaders or vanquished the enemy, quietly 
returned to their fields, not expecting other honors 
to be bestowed upon them, but that of having served 
their country, and voluntarily renouncing dictator- 
ship for the re-entering into obscure life. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 



I I I 



Religion was the fandamental principle of their 
political constitution, and of their education. The 
Romans worshiped the same gods as the Greeks, 
and like them, believed in the immortality of the 
soul, and in a future state of reward and punish- 
ment. Their oath was of greater reliance than a 
mere affirmation or a legal form; it was a solemn 
and sincere appeal to the gods for the truth of every- 
thing that was declared or testified. 

When we consider the conduct of the public men of 
Rome, in those times, can it be denied that the oath, 
as a conscientious bond, exerted a great moral influ- 
ence on the character of the people, and served won- 
derfully, by inspiring them with veneration and awe 
for Jupiter, and with fear of Pluto, in preserving their 
estimable qualities and the purity of their democracy ? 

Regulus, in his last moments, gives a striking ex- 
ample of that old Roman virtue. This illustrious 
general, having been vanquished by the Carthagen- 
ians in Africa, was sent back to Rome with a view to 
negotiate an exchange of prisoners, and was com- 
pelled to swear he would return to Carthage, should 
that attempt be unsuccessful. Regulus once admittetl 
in the Roman senate, disregarding himself entirely, 
looked only at the interests of his countrymen, whom 
he advised not to make such an exchange, as, he 
alleged, theCarthagenian prisoners were all young 
and could yet be useful to their count ry, \\hile ho. 
himself, was too old then to be of any service to 
Rome, NotwiLhstandi'ig (bo ^^^Mpplications of tho 



I I 2 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Roman senators, the tears of his wife and of his 
children, true to his oath he departed for Carthage, 
knowing that atrocities and crucifixion awaited him; 
but he preferred the most horrible death to perjury. 
Now, if men would sacrifice their life rather than 
violate their oath, can it be doubted that they would 
be in all their actions more honestly inclined than 
others of different principles, towards the common- 
wealth and all their countrymen? Evidently, their 
religious belief was the basis of their patriotism. 

Rome had had her Cincinuatus, her.Fabricius, her 
Regulus; but her Sulla, her Marius, her Catiline and 
her rabble were to appear in the succeeding age. 

The causes which brought the fall of the republic 
sprang up in the reign of incessant wars which lasted 
from 267 to 146 B. C. During this period Rome had 
conquered Carthage, Greece, and most of other civi- 
lized nations of the world ; and following on these con- 
quests the glorious power of the republic declined 
rapidly. The large immigration of foreigners, and prin- 
cipally of the Greeks and Etruscans, accompanied with 
the flow of riches from all countries into the capital 
of the empire, inaugurated a new order of things 
among the population. The Romans became fas- 
cinated, and conquered in their turn by the intellec- 
tual and social culture of this new people; and under 
such influences, departing gradually from their old 
rule of conduct and their simplicity of manners, they 
adopted foreign fashions, foreign habits, and new 
ideas. To the regime of agriculture succeeded that 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I I 3 

of eloquence, literature, science, art and the various 
trades, accompanied with tlie introduction of theatri- 
cal spectacles and the combats of gladiators. 

Marcus Cato, the censor, renowned for his knowl- 
edge and austerity of life, saw the danger which was 
threatening his countrymen, and resolved to use his 
best endeavors to check the growth of the evil. This 
venerable magistrate, for many years, instituted a 
most vigorous prosecution against the prevalence of 
foreign manners, grecian art, oriental luxuries, and 
denounced the Bacchanalian mysteries and other im- 
moral shows. Enquiring into the conduct of the peo- 
ple he removed from public offices all those detected 
in leading a disorderly life, or who had, in any way, 
departed from the virtues of old democracy, and strug- 
gled in vain against persons offering bribes at elections. 
In his attempts at eradicating vices from society, he 
adopted such arbitrary and absurd measures as are 
carried only in corrupt democracies, and made him- 
self most obnoxious by meddling in people's private 
affairs. He tried to regulate the expenses of living, 
the cost and style of houses, and the fashions and 
ornaments of women. He went so far as censuring 
a senator for having kissed his wife in the day time 
in presence of his daughter, and even to ask men and 
women questions touching their marital relations, and 
the procreation of children. It appears that selfish- 
ness, and the growth of civilization had already, in Ca- 
to's time, demoralized people so much that the num- 
ber of births was visibly decreasiui:^. and the Romans 

8 



114 GOVERNMENTS AND TOLITICIANS, 

were on the way to national sterility. However, 
Cato was no more pedantic than the Puritans of Crom- 
well's reign, in the seventeenth centur}', or the im- 
maculate people in other modern democracies, who 
constantly talk of reforms, but seem to cherish the 
main source of unmanageable evils. It is true that 
this vigorous rule of censorship succeeded for a time, 
improving, in a measure, the moral condition of the 
city; but the success, which was more apparent than 
real, could not be of long duration, in a population 
already cosmopolitan and rapidly increased. 

The higher state of civilization inspired the people 
with a strong taste for luxuries and magnificence, 
stimulated, first, by an increasing desire for wealth, 
and afterwards, by the use of unscrupulous methods, 
for acquiring more. Military discipline fell into 
neglect, and agriculture was no longer respected. 

The Epicurean doctrine substituted itself in place 
of a restraining power, and was immediately followed 
by the relaxation of public morals. Patriotism, which 
had been the dominating feeling of the republic dis- 
appeared never to return, and was replaced by ego- 
tism and rapacity. 

What is more worthy of all men's notice than the 
transitory period of the Roman republic from its primi- 
tive state to that of a higher education? If intellec- 
tual development alone were the fundamental prin- 
ciple of republicanism, as you, republicans and dem- 
ocrats so often assert, the time had then arrived for 
the Romans and other civilized people to prove that 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I I 5 

theory. But, why is it that the commonwealth of 
Rome, commences decaying as the regime of the 
virtuous, simple and so-called ignorant farmers is 
yielding to that of science and art? Why is it that 
this republic, which stood pure and vigorous during 
more than two centuries, under the rule of the agri- 
culturists, sinks into deep demoralization, after pass- 
ing into the hands of educated classes? How was 
it possible that the Roman senate, a body composed 
of the most venerable and most learned men of their 
time, could have conquered the world, but now were 
not able to govern it? This deplorable, yet remark- 
able, failure of the government was chiefly owing to 
the fact, that, as old virtue and restraining influ- 
ences had departed from the commonwealth, the old 
democratical constitution was, by far, unequal to the 
arduous task of checking the evils brought by a rap- 
idly increasing population and by the diffusion of high 
learning, luxury and splendox. 

It is evident that a democratic government, which 
supposes so many virtues in men, has already, at the 
very time these virtues are most needed to save a 
commonwealth, developed in their nature the vices 
that must bring the republic to ruin. 

There is but one cause capable of directing the 
unanimous attention of the people, or the devotion 
of all factions, in a corrupt republic, towards the 
general welfare of their country, and save it, at least, 
for a time, from anarchy; it is a foreign war. The 
same feelings, which will unite a people to confront 



Il6 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

such an emergenc}', will divide them in peace and 
soon lead them to more serious difficulties. In the 
former case, every individual becomes a devoted 
patriot, because he has to depend on the authority 
of a united nation, and is even willing to obe}' the 
command of a dictatrr for his own protection; and 
in the latter, so few men care for the nation, and 
the nation is weakened by so many dissensions and 
separate interests, that the contending political fac- 
tions must inevitably bring civil troubles. Led by 
ambition and jealousy, old Cato and other notable 
citizens had advised and urged the Roman senate to 
destroy Carthage and conquer Greece, but the discords 
that raged in the population, rendered them impotent 
to restrain license and maintain justice and order 
when the foreign wars were ended. 

Moreover, the concentration of the nation's wealth 
in the hands of a few men, the disappearance or 
the total ruin of the middle classes effected by the 
late wars of conquests, and the avarice of capitalists, 
had entirely destroyed civic equality and created a 
spirit of social distinction. The classes which had 
to be supported at the expense of the state, while 
attributing their miserable condition to the encroach- 
ments of the rich, were regarded by the latter as a 
most dangerous element of the population, against 
which property and life, they alleged, should be guard- 
ed; and the wealthiest class aimed at nothing less 
than absolute authority and exclusive monopolies 
of the country's resources. During the war the senate 



I 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1 17 

had exercised a sovereign authority, although the 
popular assembly was never dissolved. But the de- 
crees of the government had been dictated, and all 
magistracies controlled, by a set of opulent men 
who claimed the titles and prerogatives of nobility. 
This party consisted of the old patrician order, and 
the plebeian families recently ennobled for their 
military services and their newly acquired riches. It 
is interesting to notice these plebeians, who would, 
no doubt, were they still poor, join the ranks of the 
opposition against the nobles, seek titles of distinction 
and take side against the proletariate. The ascend- 
ancy of a tyrannical oligarchy, the growth of the poor 
classes, the rise of a rabble and the constant increase 
of vices and crimes were the evils that pervaded the 
population. 

If Rome could, at that time, have secured a consti- 
tution adequate to her wants and difficulties, she could 
certainly have averted the calamities that followed. 
But, unfortunately, the most prominent and active 
citizens of the republic could not unite on a policy of 
national exigencies; and having no other countries of 
any great importance to conquer, they became the 
worst enemies of the commonwealth, by inaugurating 
a reign of upheavals and civil wars, in which we shall 
see the foremost men of Rome expending profusely 
the gold and the blood of their countrymen, with pre- 
tended attempts at reforms, in contending for political 
supremacy. 



1 l8 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

PERIOD OF THE REVOLUTION. 

CIVIL WARS AND DOW^NFALL OF THE REPUBLIC 

133—30 B. C. 

Tiberius and Caius Gracchus were the originators 
of civil troubles in Rome. Under a pretense of 
philanthropy they increased dissensions in the city, 
and finally brought a conflict between the senate and 
the people, by proposing their agrarian law. Their 
main object was to gain popularit}^, in endeavoring 
to improve the condition of the proletariate, at the 
sacrifice of a class, to whom Rome owed most of 
her success in the late conflicts. Upon alleging that 
a few land occupiers had no legal title to their prop- 
erty, by the passage of that bold measure, they were 
to be removed, the state was to resume possession 
of this common land, and distribute it in equal shares 
among the people. But the landlords in opposition 
to this, claimed, in equity, a legal right to hold their 
lands, on the fact that they had been occupied and 
cared for by themselves, and their ancestors also 
from tim.e immemorial. The consuls and the sen- 
ate took side with the land occupiers. 

But, as schemes of this character never fail, in any 
country, to meet with the favor of that element of 
the population, devoid of property or honor, Ti- 
berius and Caius encouraged by the adhesion of the 
rabble had recourse to fraud and violence to carry 
their nefarious design. In this struggle they failed; 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I I 9 

their followers were routed or killed in two riots and 
both of them perished. It is important to notice at 
the outset of the revolutionary era that the scarcity 
of land in Rome is one of the immediate and most 
potent causes of the disorders. 

Next came the war of Jugurtha, king of Numidia, 
a Roman province in Africa. This prince easily suc- 
ceeded and even by means of small sums, to bribe 
one of the consuls and many of the Roman generals. 
When and where did ever a monarch sell the in- 
terests of his people? 

Following such events, the rivalry between Marius 
and Sulla, both of whom successively seized the power 
by force of arms; the massacres of men by Marius, 
who had been his political opponents; Sulla's victory 
over the Italian and Marian' forces, followed by a 
regime of confiscations of property, proscriptions and 
executions; the murdering of a pretor and a tribune 
for their annoying the people with pretended reform 
laws; the attempt following of another tribune to 
remodel the law-courts and his reviving the agrarian 
and corn laws, and his assassination which created 
an insurrection in Italy; the social war, which, rather 
than solving difficulties, increased vicious animosities, 
between the Romans and the Italians; the combat 
between the Milo and Clodius factions which resulted 
in the death of the hitter's chi';f; the sacrilegious 
acts of Verrcs and his foUm^'crs, who plumlored 
the temples and altars, and (^arricd the statues of the 
gods away; the corruption of all the government lie- 



120 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

partments, and the conspiracy of Catiline which ter- 
rorized Rome, and the resistance of his army to the 
senatorial troops, in which that audacious and des- 
perate leader fell sword in hand; at last the terrible 
conflict which arose between Pompe}^ and Cgesar, 
and ended by the assassination of the former and the 
elevation of the latter to dictatorship or Imperium, 
furnish a fair illustration of the sacrifices and dear 
experiments which the Roman people had to go 
through before acquiring sufficient wisdom to perceive 
the fallacies of democratic principles, and recognize 
the absolute necessity of a strong and stable govern- 
ment for their vast empire. 

That long reign of disturbances and civil wars, ac- 
companied with political and social corruption goes a 
long way to refute the assertions of the republicans 
that the educated are more easil}' governed than the 
ignorant classes. 

Caesar, who has been considered by all modern 
republicans, as the despot of republican Rome, and 
whose name is universally recognized as title of Im- 
perialism, was, no doubt, led by great ambition; 
but it can hardly be said that for political aspirations 
and tyranny, he surpassed any other prominent man, 
during the whole period of the revolution. To both 
his success and his eminently high attainments, in 
war, in diplomacy, in legislation, and in all branches 
of learning, must be assigned the reasons of his op- 
ponents for their adverse criticism of his conduct. 
Had any of his rivals been victorious over him, he 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 12 1 

would have been known as the despot, but not 
Caesar. 

Those who have rejoiced in his terrible death, al- 
leging that he well deserved his fate for having sub- 
jugated Rome, have, to say the least, exhibited their 
ignorance of Roman history, or very little judgment 
for confounding license with rational freedom, and 
despotism with good government. It is not possible 
for fair-minded men, thoroughly acquainted with the 
political situation of that republic, in the time of this 
wonderful genius, to share the feelings, and endorse 
the utterances cf those fanatics who have eulogized 
Cassius and Brutus for leading the conspiracy against 
him. After Catiline's disappearance, Caesar, finding 
himself opposed by all the aristocrats, joined the 
i:)lebeian party which had been led by Marius on the 
same line of policy outlined by the Gracchi. He suc- 
ceeded in forming that famous league with Pompey 
and Crassus, known under the name cf triumvirate, 
and was immediately after elected consul. In order 
to gain popularity aniong the poorer classes for work- 
ing up his aggrandizeuicnt, he passed his agrarian 
law, which favored that element of the population 
against the will of the senators, and demanded the 
government of Gaul which was granted to him. His 
success in the fprmer case sho\\'s how n.mch had 
the power of the Roman senate weakened e\ ea only 
since the beginning of the revolution. 

While Ciusar was subduing the people of Gaul, 
gaining fame and the affection of his soldiers, Crassu', 



1:^2 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

one of his colleagues, was losing battles and wasting 
his armies through his temerous adventure against 
the Parthians in the barren plains of Mesopotamia. 
The news of his death marked the beginning of the 
rivalry between Pompey and Ccesar. Each of them 
wanted to govern alone. 

In looking upon the struggle raging between these 
two powerful individuals, we must not lose sight of 
the fact that the constitution of the government, 
which was still democratical, opened the state offices 
to all men that could arrive there by the suffrage; 
nor, under this rule, have the republicans any more 
right to condemn Caesar for ambitioning the power 
than to excuse or exonerate Pompey for attempting 
to hold it. The fault lay in the constitution itself 
which now is nothing but a mere source of anarch- 
ism. 

During Caesar's absence, Pompey acted the part 
of a demagogue by allowing corruption to grow in 
Rome, when he had the power of suppressing it. 
The tribunes, whose office was to uphold popular 
rights, were increasing difficulties among the people 
by abusing their veto privileges. The authority was 
not respected, because it could not command respect; 
even the tribunals of justice were venal, and laws 
were disregarded by the masses, because they were 
not carried out. On this state of demoralization, 
Pompey based his hopes to gain sufficient popularity 
for being promoted to dictatorship, and succeeded, 
at last, to be elected alone to the consulate. The 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 23 

election of a single consul was a high step towards 
strong authority, and the first occurrence of this kind 
since the republic was founded. 

Upon hearing this news, Csesar alarmed at Pom- 
pey's success, immediately demanded from Gaul 
that he be allowed to become candidate for the chief 
magistracy the following year. His request was 
granted by both the senate and the popular assembly 
but opposed by Pompey. 

It is not denied even by the most enthusiastic ad- 
mirers of Ccesar that, before crossing the Rubicon, 
on his return from Gaul, this transcendant states- 
man haddesigned to carry on war against the present 
consul, and take the reins of the government from 
his hands; but, meantime, Pompey, by resisting his 
rival's just demand, had violated the constitution 
and opposed the will of the people, for he was no 
more entitled to sovereign authority than the hum- 
blest plebeian in the country; consequently, it was not 
Caesar, but Pompey himself who was to be held respon- 
sible for the bloody conflict that ensued and resulted 
in his overthrow and his death. This was not the 
first time that the latter showed his arbitrary spirit 
and his boundless ambition. Upon his returing from 
Asia, Sulla, who was, at that time, consul, honored 
him with the title of imperator, and confided to him 
the command of the Roman armies in Cisalpine 
Gaul, Africa and Sicily. But, after his victories, 
Pompey became so insubonlinate as to refuse obey- 
ing the orders of the consul, and commenced dictat- 



124 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ing to the dictator of Rome, who was compelled to 
recognize him as Pompey the Great. 

This unfortunate individual was, undoubtedly, 
one of the most illustrious men and greatest con- 
querorbwhomRome ever had, next to his rival, and 
was well qualified to govern a country of sound pol- 
itics in times of general tranquillit}'; but Caesar was 
far superior to him and to any of his contemporaries 
in all requirements for saving a nation from political 
and social disorders. 

Cicero's narrow policy in antagonizing Caesar and 
advocating the permanency of the old constitution 
was dictated by his personal ambition. His vanity 
and conceit offer just ground to the belief that he 
" would energetically oppose the discontinuance of an 
institution, which, constantl}^ requiring the services 
of his talent as public speaker, rendered him 
the most attractive figure in the comonwealth. His 
divorce from his excellent wife Tullia, without reason 
but that of marrying another woman 3'ounger and 
richer than her is fair evidence that the so-called 
virtuous orator was himself, in a high degree, affected 
with the corruption of his times. However, he had 
once aimed at rendering eminent services to his 
country, and had succeeded in delivering Rome from 
Catiline; but this event had not put an end to all diffi- 
culties, nor could have this ever been effected by Cic- 
ero's counsel. His own accounts of his political oppon- 
ents' schemes against Rome, and his boasting of his po- 
litical achievements were, no doubt, exaggerated and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 25 

calculated to retain his hold on the feelings of his 
party and increase his popularity. At any rate, 
his upholding of a corrupt democracy was equiva- 
lent to his approving of a regime of lawlessness and 
iniquities. 

With all his oratorial powers, he had been power^ 
less in restoring order and bringing factions to unite 
on a policy of compromise and public safety, since 
the overthrow 'of Catiline. His orations affecting 
love for the Roman people, exhorting them to reform 
and virtue, and all his pathetical invocations of the 
blessings of Jupiter, Juno and Apollo had had no effect 
but intensifying dangerous animosities and aggravat- 
ing the woes of the republic. 

If Cicero, Pompey, Cato and Brutus had ever sin- 
cerely believed that the maintenance of the old con- 
stitution was still longer a possibility, they were, in- 
deed very deficient in political sagacity. On the 
other hand, Caesar well knew that the republic, at 
that time, was a nonsensical institution, that would 
soon dissolve itself; and a very large portion of the 
population were fully aware that Caesar, of all men 
in Rome, was the best adapted to restore order in 
the empire. The time for peace and reform had ar- 
rived. When Cicero himself saw that the democracy 
had fallen never to rise again, resigned to his fate, 
he frankly assigned the cause of its ruin to the de- 
generacy of his countrymen. 

Caesar was first elected dictator for a term of ton 
years, after having defeated Ptoloiuy in KgN'pt, and 



126 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Pharnacius, the son of Mithridates, in Asia. Upon 
his return from Spain, where he had won over the 
two sons of Pompey, his last victory which brought 
peace to the world, he \vas raised to dictatorship and 
imperialism for his life time, and recognized as the 
savior of his country by the senate amidst the re- 
joicings of the population. 

If the senators were insincere in their action, and 
only endeavored, by bestowing such honors upon 
Cassar, to render him the more ridiculous or odious 
in the minds of the people, it can fairly be said that 
once, in their existence, those republicans, by means 
of their usual hypocrisy, had, though unconsciously, 
done a great deal of good to their country. Nor 
could honest men be censured for favoring his pro- 
motion to sovereignty, for there was no other alter- 
nate course left to the people but this: they had 
either to continue in a state of anarchy and jeopard- 
ize their dearest interests on earth, or establish a 
government strong enough to put an end to that 
bloody strife which had now lasted nearl}^ a century. 
The sons of those republicans, who had killed Tiberius 
Gracchus upon suspicioning him ot desiring the crown, 
thought it wise to try imperialism as a new experi- 
ment. 

That Caesar fully deserved his title of dictator and 
savior, was clearly demonstrated by the three years 
of his administering the affairs of the empire. It 
is true that the dictator, had. by his ambition for 
power, like many others, contributed to the miseries 



ANCIENT AND MODIiRN 12/ 

and the fall of the republic, but it must be also 
acknowledged that now his private interests are in 
common with those of the state. Caesar modestly 
acknowledged having received his authority from the 
people; he immediately manifested the most liberal 
disposition towards his political enemies and friends 
alike, and became a public benefactor. The agrarian 
scheme, which had been one of the main difficulties 
in Rome since the beginning of the revolution, he 
wisely adjusted; and while he greatly improved the 
condition of the poor classes, he protected the rich. 
His conduct contrasted, in a most striking manner, 
the policy of Sulla, who, having assumed the power, 
conhscated property, and banished or massacred his 
political adversaries. The latter had composed his 
own epitaph, which, in a few words, illustrates the 
character of a republican demagogue: "None has 
caused so much good to his friends or so many woes 
to his enemies." 

Caesar colonized Carthage and Corinth, making 
allotments of land to the soldiers and the proletariate. 
He purified the senate and the assembly, and all pub- 
lic offices, rejected every one guilty of corruption, 
placed all departments under the strictest scrutiny, 
and saw that the treasur}^ was no longer plundered. 
Similar reforms were introduced in all the provinces 
whose inhabitants had been robbed by rapacious 
republicans. His strong hand, at last, corrected all 
the abuses caused by the deniocratical constitution. 
Never had R.'^me, since the end of the first punic 



128 GOVZKXMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

war, been so well governed, as under the rule of 
Csesar. There is reason to believe that all those 
sudden reforms in a state where almost every politi- 
cian was venal, must have been keenly felt by a con- 
siderable number. When it is known that sixty sen- 
ators conspired against Caesar, his murder must be 
ascribed to something worse than their merely 
wounded pride. There was no despotism in his gov- 
ernment but his honest polic}', which was causing 
a set of men who still considered themselves of noble 
birth and a privileged class to part with their op- 
portunities for self aggrandizement through the gov- 
ernment. 

The murderers of Caesar, who claimed the honor 
of saving Rome from despotism by his death, broke 
the reign of peace she had enjo3'ed only three years 
and brought her the most frightful state of anarchy. 
Their followers, v/ho ran through the streets crying, 
"Freedom, liberty and enfranchisement," were the 
dregs of the city, that class of men who constantl}' 
live in idleness, and depend on crimes or public dis- 
asters for support. Those cries of "Freedom and 
liberty" can be well compared with the terrible yells 
of savage tribes accompanying their war dances, 
previous to their committing atrocities; and it is no- 
ticeable that, in every case, such public utterances 
can always be depended upon as the forerunners of 
serious upheavals. Public liberty is ended, when it 
is cried out. 

The republican rabble v/ere soon brought back to 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 29 

mourn for Caesar by Anthony's funeral oration on 
his body, announcing that the late dictator had willed 
every one of them a certain amount of land and money. 
Antony used this opportune moment of popularity 
among this dangerous element, to take hold of the 
government, and was elected consul. 

Meanwhile, Octavius, grand nephew and adopted 
son of Caesar came from Greece to Rome, claiming 
his rights, and was recognized as the legitimate heir 
of his uncle. Antony, fearing this individual as a 
dangerous rival, associated himself with him, and 
from this agreement resulted a second triumvirate, 
in which Lepidus, a wealthy citizen, became their 
colleague. This league proved much more tyranni- 
cal, and much more disastrous to Rome than that of 
Pompey, Caesar and Crassus. Their first act was to 
divide among themselves the provinces of the empire. 
Attributing the death of Caesar chiefly to his excessive 
clemency, they inaugurated a r(^gime of proscriptions 
which surpassed in horrors that of Sulla; and they 
mutually sacrificed their friends, their benefactors 
and their brothers. Cicero, Antony's enemy, lost his 
head, at the instigation of Octavius. Envy, hatred, 
vengeance and cupidity, were ruling so mightily that 
three hundred senators and two thousand knights 
were put to death. 

In the meantime, Brutus and Cassius, anxious to 

restore the republic, were attempting to impose thoir 

will on the Asiatic provinces. They were, afterwards, 

attacked by Antony and Octavius at Philippi, in 
9 



1 30 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Macedonia, and perceiving their inevitable defeat, 
committed suicide. It was on this occasion that Brutus 
exclaimed, "Virtue, thou art but a word!" This 
utterance is true, when applied to civic virtue under a 
democracy, especially in a grow^n state; it is true, re- 
garding the character of a man so depraved as to 
stain his hands in the blood of his benefactor, and so 
devoid of patriotism, notwithstanding all his pre- 
tenses of love for Rome, as to deprive her of her wisest 
and most honest ruler. 

As the republican party was utterly .defeated, An- 
tony and Octavius made a new division from which 
Lepidus, this time, was excluded. In the last strug- 
gle betw^een men ambitioning the sovereignty of 
Rome Octavius vanquished Antony at Actium (31 B. 
C), and was immediately raised to the imperial 
di"nitv. 



ROMAN PROLETARIATE. 

Almost all working men, living under a republic, 
in a new, large and rich state, and especially those 
who have emigrated from old settled monarchies, are 
generally apt to com.mit the same error, in attributing 
to the benign influence of a democratic constitution, 
their material prosperity, which, in truth, is princi- 
pally effected by the infancy and the natural advan- 
tages of that country. In the earlier period of a 
nation, under a republican rule, all men are placed 



I 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 131 

on a footing of equality. But as soon as the material 
resources of the territory have been, in some measure, 
developed, after the population has considerably in- 
creased, and particularly at that time, when, as we 
ha^e seen, the people have attained a high degree of 
civilization, the inequality of fortunes becomes per- 
manently established. It is a matter of interest to 
all those impressed with the idea that republics favor, 
and monarchies lower, the laboring classes, to observe 
the condition of the Roman people in the last days 
of their commonwealth. At that time, there were in 
Rome, more than three hundred thousand idle persons 
left without means of support. The wealth of the 
nation was concentrated in the hands of a few indi- 
viduals, many of whom had acquired their share of 
it by unjust methods through the patronage of demo- 
cratic institutions. They were in possession of mag- 
nificent palaces in the city, and elegant villas in the 
country, and were spending their life in Epicurean 
style, v.'hile the men who had by their martial valor 
served the ambition of republican demagogues in their 
bloody strifes for power, or contributed by their ballots 
to the political and financial prominence of others, 
were almost naked, were deprived of shelter, and 
were begging for food through the streets of the 
imperial city. 



132 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ROMAN EMPIRE. 

The country which Octavius was called to rescr.e 
from its long regime of anarchism was confined within 
these boundaries: the Danube on the north ; Ethiopia, 
the deserts of Arabia and of Lybia on the south; 
Pontus Euxinus (now the Black Sea) and the Eu- 
phrates river on the east, and on the west the Atlantic 
ocean. 

The population of this vast empire excelled, both 
in civilization and manhood all other nations of the 
earth, combined. 

Soon after being raised to the throne Octavius 
adopted the name of Augustus. 

The new government was, in reality, a constitu- 
tional monarchy, in which the old republican consti- 
tution was partly preserved by the restoration of the 
popular assembly and the senate, which resumed 
their legislative functions, while the executive powers 
were vested in the emperor. Although the chief- 
magistrate \vas to be inamovable from his position, 
during his life-time, Augustus preferred the modest 
title of "princeps" to that of "king."- This ruler 
accomplished a wonderful success in administering 
the affairs of state in all departments, and through 
his wise and moderate but firm policy, he was recog- 
nized as the founder of this new commonwealth, and 
the valiant defender of popular rights. Meanwhile he 
exercised the more authority over the chambers and 
the people, as he seemed to have less ambition for it. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 133 

He presided over tlie senate, and practically his will 
was almost absolute. 

Under the democratic rule, the Romans had 
achieved very little that was beneficial to themselves 
but the conquests. Following them, the internal 
dissensions and the civil wars were very injurious to 
the industrial development and the commerce of the 
country. Moreover a large class of the population 
cared nothing for the establishment of any solid en- 
terprise; as they could derive wealth from the public 
offices. 

The peaceable and wise government of Augustus 
raised the population from that stagnant state of 
nefarious indolence and directed the minds of the 
people towards legitimate occupation, and the culture 
of fine arts. Rome was adorned with the most 
splendid m.onuments, under the direction of the 
emperor; and all wealthy citizens emulated his ex- 
amples by improving their property. The imperial 
city became the rival of Athens in all branches of 
industry and learning, and the amelioration of affairs 
was not less remarkable in the provinces than in 
Rome. 

On the death of Augustus, the form of government 
remained unchanged; and although his immediate 
successors, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, and 
Galba are said to have been, not only worthless, but 
most depraved and tyrannical rulers, none of them 
caused Rome near as much injury as the Gracchi, 
or Marius, or Sulla or Catiline, or Pompcy or (.\usar, 



I 34 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

under the republic. Nor could the following empe- 
rors, Otho, Vitellius, Commodus, Caracalla and others 
of like character, with all their inherent baseness 
and iniquities, but be far more harmful to themselves 
than to the state. 

Now, on the other hand, what individual in the 
republic, during the whole period of the revolution, 
or from the time a higher civilization had been intro- 
duced into Rome, could be compared for virtues, 
pubHc spirit and useful achievements, with any of 
these emperors, Augustus, Titus Ncrva, Trajan, 
Hadrian, the two Antonines, Pertinax, Diocletian, 
Constantine, Theodosius and Justinian I? What 
legacies has the Roman republic bequeathed to us 
but Cicero's letters and speeches? Were not the 
talented men of Rome, at that time, satisfied 
with plagiarizing the literary productions of the 
Greeks ? 

it is from the Roman empire that all the modern 
nations of Europe have received the elements of their 
civilization; and almost all the monuments and works 
of ancient Rome whose ruins are still so care-fully 
preserved, and so greatly admired as models of art, 
belong to the emperors' regime. Even our inheritance 
from ancient Egypt, the ancient monarchies of Asia, 
and the Greek nations, descended to us through the 
medium of that agency. 

It should be universally acknowledged that some 
writers are justly censured for having attempted to 
belittle the admirable courage, and having ridiculed 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 35 

the faith, of the Christian martyrs, \\hile they exalted 
the barbarous deeds, and proclaimed the religious 
enthusiasm of the Tartars, of the Mamelucks and of 
the Mohammedans, in their conflict with the followers 
of Christ. Honest opinions and beliefs should always 
command the respect of even tlieir most fervent op- 
ponents; and what more satisfactory proofs could the 
heroes of the new faith have given of their sincere 
devotion to it than to be crucified, or burned, or 
lacerated by beasts? 

Nor is it controverted that Christianity is superior 
to all other religions as a moral and civilizing power. 
But, we can not very reasonably denounce the con- 
duct of some Roman emperors for remaining devoutly 
attached to their own faith. The persecutions of the 
Christians under Nero, Domitian, Trajan,, ]\Iarcus 
Aurelius and Julian, however so severe, were but 
punishments inflicted upon them, for defying the 
authority of the government in attempting to rival its 
old worship. How could it be expected that those 
emperors and the people would have been immedi- 
ately so strongly convinced by the doctrines and 
arguments oi the Christian apostles as to set to work 
destroying the statues of their gods and goddesses 
and place the cross upon their temples, when nearly 
two thousand years after the crucifixion of Christ, 
three fourths of mankind still ignore or oppose 
his doctrines, while a vast number of so-called 
Christians, themselves, seem inclined towards mate- 
rialism rather than religion? 



136 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

It was reserved for Constantine to establish Chris- 
tianity as the state religion. This memorable event 
occurred in the year 330. At the same time, he 
selected Bysantium, as his new capital, which, ac- 
cording to his name, was called Constantinople; and 
this immediately gave rise to a second Roman empire. 
Theodosius was the last emperor who governed the 
United Empires of the West and the East. He joined 
the Orthodox religion, and firmly planted the cross 
upon the ruins of paganism. On his death (395) his 
state was divided between his two sons Honorius and 
Arcadius. The former reigned in the Western, and 
the latter in the Eastern Empire. Then the barbarian 
nations commenced their invasions, and at last suc- 
ceeded to overthrow the Empire of the West. Their 
regime was followed by the middle ages. 

The Empire of the East stood till 1453, when Con- 
stantinople was taken by the Turks. 



J 



THE REPUBLIC OF CARTHAGE. 

The city of Carthage was located on the north coast 
of Africa, a short distance from the present city of 
Tunis, and was founded in the ninth century B. C. 
To the Phoenicians were the Carthagenians indebted 
for their origin, their language, their religion and their 
civilization. 

The government was an aristocratical republic. It 
consisted of two chief-magistrates, known as suffetes. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 3/ 

or consuls or dictators, a senate and a popular as- 
sembly. Thesuffetes, like the Roman consuls, were 
elected annually. The senate was composed of 
citizens distinguished by their age, their wealth, their 
integrity and their wisdom; and they were elected 
for their life time. According to Aristotle, so long 
as this venerable body exercised the legislative and 
executive authority, the commonwealth was very 
prosperous and a mighty power. But afterwards, 
a large class of citizens having acquired considerable 
riches, became so influential and arrogant as to seize 
the reins of the government. This political revolu- 
tion was the beginning of the downfall of Carthage. 

The tribunal of justice consisted of a hundred and 
four judges, five of whom were intrusted with superior 
jurisdiction. They all were appointed perpetually; 
and their institution was intended to maintain a sort 
of equilibrium between the nobles and the senate. 
When the senators yielded their authority to the 
wealthier factions, the chief-magistrates, being unable 
to command respect by reason of their removability, 
money became the ruling principle; nor was there 
any power to curb the insolent tyranny of those 
judges, although Aristotle and historians proclaimed 
the incorruptibility of their tribunal. 

The tyranny of an oligarchy, and even the despot- 
ism of a monarchy, are, by far, preferable yet to the 
corruption of a democracy. 

Evidently the Carthagenian govoiinr.ont lacked a 
balance of power, and was c\cii inconsislont witii 



I3S GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

the principles of either monarchy or democracy. It 
is not reasonable that the chief of a nation be remov- 
able, when other magistrates, judges or legislators, 
retain their positions perpetually. As the former is 
the executive, and it becomes urgent that he should 
inspire all possible respect, for properly administer- 
ing justice, the true interests of the nation entitle him 
still more to stability in office than any other individ- 
ual in the gov'ernment. 

Arts, sciences and literature were, at anytime, but 
very little practiced in Carthage. Education consisted 
chiefly in writing, arithmetic and book-keeping. The 
Carthagenians esteemed nothing but money, and em- 
ployed all their talents and energies in accumulating 
riches. They were, essentially, a people of merchants 
and traders; and to their commercial intercourse with 
all the maritime states, must be assigned their wealth, 
their pride, their conquests, and even their extinction. 
They carried on war only to protect and extend 
their commerce; and for such purposes they con- 
tracted alliances with kings, and purchased troops 
from the neighboring nations and e\'en from the 
foreign countries, with which they were trading. 
These advantages enabled the Carthagenians to main- 
tain their contest against the Romans for more than 
forty years. On the other hand, Rome was without 
money, without commerce, v\'ithout industry but 
agriculture; nevertheless it found in the homogeneous- 
ness and devotion of its troops, in the principles and 
patriotism of its leaders and in its domestic resources. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 39 

a power of perseverance, resolution and energy, supe- 
rior to that derived by its haughty rival from its riches 
and mercenary troops. 

Hannibal, the hero of Carthage, in the second war 
with Rome, was one of the most famous generals of 
antiquity. His father, Amilcar, who had led the 
Carthagenian army in the preceding conflict with the 
same power, compelled him, in his youth to swear 
to an eternal hatred of the Romans. True to his 
oath, Hannibal .crossed the Alps, overran Italy, won 
the battles of Ticinus, Trasymene, Canna:;, and 
otherwise harassed the armies of Rome for seventeen 
years. His brother, Asdrubal, newly arrived from 
Spain with an army of fifty thousand men, having 
failed to form a junction with Hannibal, was defeated 
at the battle of Metaurus by the united armies of the 
two Roman consuls. Meanwhile Scipio Africanus, 
in order to induce Hannibal to leave Italy resolved 
to pass into Africa and attack Carthage; and after 
he had won two important victories, the Carthage- 
nians recalled their general. But the conqueror of 
CanncC was vanquished at Zama by Scipio. Thus 
ended the second punic war. 

According to the treaty of peace concluded between 
Rome and Carthage, the latter was to pay the former 
a very heavy indemnity in money, relinquish its for- 
eign possessions and refrain from carr\ing on war 
even in Africa without the consent of the Romans. 
Hannibal became one of the suffctos, luul endeavored 
to introduce reforms in the gcnornmeut by exposing 



140 GOVERXMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

the corruption of the offices. Meanwhile he advised 
the Carthagenians to break their treaty with Rome 
by taking side with Macedonia, in its defensive strug- 
gle against that republic. On hearing this, the 
Roman senate demanded the head of Hannibal; and 
the most influential men in the government of Car- 
thage, to rid themselves of an inopportune individual 
attempting to put an end to their plundering the 
public treasury, were about to grant the Romans 
their demand, when Hannibal fled from the city, and 
sought refuge into Syria, where he was received as the 
host of king Antiochus. Soon afterward, this mon- 
arch having been defeated by the Romans, Hannibal 
went to Bythinia; and as King Prusias consented to 
deliver him to the Roman General Flaminius, the 
great Carthagenian committed suicide. 

Such was the fate of that renowned captain, of 
that faithful magistrate and champion of popular 
rights, who had, during his whole life fought for 
Carthage against both its foreign and domestic ene- 
mies. Like many Greek statesmen he was sacrificed 
by the republicans to their rapacious greediness. 

Many 3'ears after this Cato led an embassy from 
Rome to Carthage with a view to adjust some serious 
difficulties that had arisen between the latter power 
and Massinissa king of Numidia and a Rom.an ally. 
The old general was amazed by the prosperity and 
wealth of that republic ; and fearing that its enormous 
military resources would soon enable it to resume 
hostilities, on his return to Rome he advised the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I4I 

senate and the Romans in all his speeches to annihi- 
late their rival without delay. The Romans, jealous 
as they were of the Carthagenians, soon found a pre- 
text for war, and under the generalship of Scipio 
^milianus accomplished the entire destruction of 
Carthage. They razed it to the ground and passed 
the plough over it, 146 B. C. The republic of Car- 
thage, and the Carthagenian people, that fell to rise 
no more, have left no legacies to mankind, not even 
their signature. In the zenith of its glory, the city 
itself had a population of about eight hundred thou- 
sand. 

However, this place was again colonized by Julius 
Caesar and Emperor Augustus, and rose to such prom- 
inence that it became the rival of Alexandria, the 
second city of the Roman empire. In the fifth 
century, it was made capital of the Vandal Kingdom, 
and about three hundred years afterwards, was utterly 
blotted out. 



THE HEBREWS. 

The Hebrews, like the Assyrians, the Medians, the 
Persians, the Lydians and the Syrians, were the de- 
scendants of Shem, one of the sons of Xoah; and 
Heber, son of Shem, was their first ancestor. 

According to the first book of Moses, .Abrahdm, 
the son of Terah, was the father of the Israelitic 
people. Terah left the Chaldees in Mesopotamia, 



142 GOVERXMEXTS AXD TOLITICIAXS, 

and with Abraham, Sarai and Lot went to the land 
of Canaan; and after marrying his half sister Sarai, 
Abraham emigrated from Canaan into that country 
which was to belong to his large posterity. His son 
Isaac, whom his wife Sarai bore him, begat Jacob, 
known as Israel also, and father of the twelve patri- 
archs, who became the chief of the twelve tribes of 
Israel. 

In the twenty-first century before the Christian 
era, Joseph, one of these chiefs, having excited the 
jealousies of his brothers, was sold by them to traders, 
who led him into Egypt, where he was thrown into 
prison. Soon afterwards King Pharaoh, admiring 
his talents, liberated him, and confided to him the ad- 
ministration of the state affairs. It is through the in- 
tercession of Joseph with the king for his brothers and 
their followers, that they were allowed to establish 
themselves in Egypt. They came from the southern 
part of Palestine and occupied all the land of Goshen, 
where they continued their pastoral life. Although 
they were submitted to the authority of the king, 
during his reign they preserved their language, their 
institutions and their customs and enjoyed a regime 
of ease and felicity; but, afterwards, under his suc- 
cessor, they were subjected to the most tyrannical 
oppression. Not only were they employed as slaves 
in the construction of public works, but having 
alarmed the nation by their rapid increase, their 
male children were ordered to be thrown into the 
Nile, They were forced to endure that terrible des- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 43 

potism until Moses came to their deliverance 
King Pharaoh objected to the exodus of the Jews 
from the country. But, at a time when Egypt was 
desolated by terrible plagues, the Israelites aban- 
doned their settlements, and took the road back to 
their ancestor's land. Arrived at the shore of the 
northern arm of the Red vSea, they found themselves 
closely pursued by Pharaoh's army. However, during 
the following night, a tremendous wind-storm left the 
sea, at that point, so low that Moses and his people 
were able to cross it safely ; but as the Egyptian army 
which had followed them through the same route, 
was defeated on the opposite bank, it was drowned, 
while retreating, in the returning waters. Before 
reaching Palestine or, the promised land, the Hebrews 
were held by Moses in the wilderness to reform them- 
selves; and it is in that period that he promulgated 
his law on Mount Sinai. 

On the death of Moses, Joshua, at the head of the 
Israelites, crossed the Jordan River and conquered 
Palestine; and its territory was divided among the 
tribes. 

Following this, the government of the judges which 
lasted from 1880 to 1080 B. C. \yas excellent. 
Samuel, the last of them, having proposed to make 
the office hereditary in his family, the people dissat- 
isfied with the administration of his two sons estab- 
lished a monarchy and raised to the thrc^ne Saul, of 
thc^ tribe of Benjamin. This ruler subjected his armv 
to a rigid disciphne, and successfully carried on v;ars 



141 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

against the Philistines and the Ammonites. Before 
his death, he was succeeded on the throne by David, 
a young shepherd of the tribe of Judah. During a 
reign of nearly forty years, this sovereign, who 
certainly was the most famous prince of Israel, used 
his best endeavors to promote the prosperity of the 
nation. At the time of his death his states extended 
from the Euphrates River to the Mediterranean Sea, 
and from Phoenicia to the Arabic Gulf. He had 
conceived the design of erecting a temple to God, 
and a palace to himself, but it was reserved for his 
son Solomon to carry it out. The skillful mechanics 
of Sidon in Phoenicia and the riches from East Indies 
were employed in the construction of those edifices 
looi to 962 B C, -They were connected, but it is said 
that the palace was far larger and richer than the 
temple. Judging from the most reliable accounts, 
both structures combined, although excelling all 
edifices of the age, in ornaments and riches, were 
very inferior in magnitude and design to a large 
number of temples or other public buildings of ancient 
and modern times, 

Solomon's death put an end to his political system. 
Ten tribes revolted against the authority of his son 
Rehoboam and established a separate kingdom known 
as "Israel," to the throne of which Jeroboam of Ben- 
jamin's tribe was raised. Rehoboam became the ruler 
of the kingdom of Judah composed of the tribes of 
Judah and Benjamin. 

According to the old Testament the Kings of Israel, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I45 

renounced to the worship of Jehovah, prescril^ed by 
Moses, and adored Baal, the god of the Phoenicians 
against the remonstrances of the prophets, who had 
already made their appearance before the Philistine 
war. The kingdom was destroyed by Salmanazar 
(718) B. C. In 606 Nebuchadnezzar, king of Baby- 
lon, took Jerusalem, the capital of the kingdom of 
Judah and a large portion of its inhabitants were 
brought captives to Assyria. Joachim having revolted 
against the king of Babylon in refusing to pay him 
the tribute agreed upon by the late treaty of peace, 
the Assyrian governors received the orders from their 
sovereign to carry on war against him; and after- 
wards Nebuchadnezzar himself came to retake Jerusa- 
lem, and led another large deportation of inhabitants 
into captivity. After this the Jews allied themselves 
with the Ammonites, the Sidonians and the Tyrians 
against the Assyrian monarch, who immediately fell 
on Jerusalem and ruined it entirely. The temple 
was burned, and all Hebrews who had saved them- 
selves from the sword, were brought into captivity. 
When Cyrus took Babylon, he allowed the Jews to 
return to Jerusalem and rebuild their temple, and the 
ramparts of their city. Nevertheless, of the three 
tribes of Judah, Benjamin and Levi, only about forty 
thousand Jews returned to Palestine. Upon their 
arrival they found themselves opposed by the Samar- 
itans, who had succeeded to inlluence Cambyses, king 
of Media, to issue an edict against the rebuilding of 

the temple. But Darius I. of Persia having revoked 
10 



146 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

this edict, the temple was begun, 520 B. C, and 
completed in four years. It is this edifice that existed 
at the time of Christ, though not equal in size and 
in splendor to that of Solomon. 

In the reign of Artaxerxes, Esdras, by the king's 
consent, came to Jerusalem with a view to reorganize 
the government of the Jews and restore the religion 
of Moses; and under the direction of Nehemiah, the 
Israelites began the construction of the ramparts of 
Jerusalem (467), which, though they had to repel the 
incessant attacks of their formidable enemies, were 
completed in a short time. 

The King's minister, Haman, being opposed to the 
Mosaic law, obtained from him an edict ordering 
that at a certain date all the Jews in the Persian 
Empire be massacred. But Esther, a niece of one of 
the King's wives, through her intercession with him, 
saved the Jewish people by turning the wrath of the 
monarch against his own minister. 

On the death of Ale5cander the Great, Ptolemy I, 
Soter, King of Egypt, became master of Judaea, and 
brought forty thousand Jews to Alexandria. Soon 
afterwards they were followed by large numbers of 
their countrymen, who established themselves in 
various parts of the country. However, having, after 
a while, tired of the extravagant regime of the Lagi- 
dse, the Jews took side with Antiochus, King of Syria, 
in his war against Eygpt. Under this monarch (203- 
167) the Jews enjoyed considerable freedom; but in 
the time of the Seleucidae, they were subjected to 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 14/ 

cruel treatment. Their temple was plundered; Jerusa- 
lem was taken, and partly destroyed by the flame, 
and after this all the Jews who remained true to 
their religion were terribly .persecuted. 

Judas restored the political independence and the 
religion of the Hebrews and became the ally of the 
Romans. After many victories, he perished, at the 
head of his troops, that were vanquished by the army 
of Demetrius Soter. Pompey took Jerusalem (64), 
and Herod became King of Judaea, It was in his reign 
that Christ was born and crucified. 

The Jews having revolted against the power of 
Rome, Emperor Nero confided to Vespasian the con- 
duct of the war against them. This general subdued 
almost the entire country ; and the historian Josephus, 
leader of the revolutionary party was taken prisoner. 
In the reign of Vespasian, Titus, entrusted with the 
continuation of the struggle, took Jerusalem after a 
long siege, in which upwards of seven hundred 
thousand men perished. The temple was burned, 
and the city was entirely destroyed; but it was not 
till 73 that the rebellion was completely suppressed. 

The dispersion of the Jews, begun at the time of 
their Babylonian captivity, was accelarated by Ptolemy 
I. of Egypt, and became complete with the destruction 
of Jerusalem. 

In the reign of Emperor Caracalla, the government 
of Rome granted equal civil rights to all free in- 
habitants of the empire, which the Jews, as well as 
the others, enjo3ed until the cross was planted upon 



148 



GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 



the ruins of paganism. In the time of Constantine 
they were subjected to the same severity as the 
Pagans themselves. , Conversion from Christianit}' to 
Judaism was made a penal misdemeanor; and the 
Jews forfeited their rights of circumcising their Chris- 
tian slaves. Constantine adopted a still more extreme 
policy, as he established the punishment by death for 
marriages between Christians and Jews. Honorius 
rendered them ineligible for state or military service, 
and Theodosius prohibited them from building new 
synagogues. 

In the fifth century Palestine ceased to be the center 
of Judaism. Meanwhile the Christianization of the 
Roman empire drove them to the East where they 
joined the Persians against the Byzantines. In the 
beginning of the seventh century they recovered pos- 
session of Jerusalem, but were unable to hold it against 
Heraclius. First, the Moslems were more favorable 
to them than the Christians, but afterwards Mohamet 
and Omar persecuted them. 

The Jews fared well enough in Mauritania, in Spain, 
and in the Germanic States, except among the Span- 
ish Visigoths. It is under the Prankish monarchy 
that they received the best treatment ; they were 
allowed to hold property in land; but as the Germans 
were engaged in agriculture, the Jews entered into 
the various branches of trade. They controlled the 
commerce, and continued their lucrative traffic in 
slaves. 

During the crusades, the Christians manifested 



Ancient and modern 149 

their hate of the Jews by bloody upheavals against 
them, although the popes expressed themselves in 
the most vigorous terms against such persecutions. 

At no time, in their history, did they more control 
the financial affairs than in the middle ages. No 
sooner had the Church commenced forbidding usury 
of any degree among the Christians, than the Jews 
began accumulating riches, by controlling the loan 
or banking interests; and this combined with their 
religion rendered them the objects of universal aver- 
sion. They were expelled from England in 1290, from 
France in the latter part of the fourteenth century, 
and from Spain and Portugal, about a hundred years 
afterwards. In Germany, Italy, and the papal states, 
they found a safe refuge. 

The political emancipation of the Jews, in modern 
times, began in Germany, and meantime received its 
greatest encouragement from France. As early as 
1550, the Jews began to return to Paris; but it was 
only in 1791 that they were admitted to equality of 
civil rights with the other citizens. They were allowed 
to return to England in the time of Cromwell. Now, 
in all European countries, except Russia, Moldavia, 
Roumania, Spain and Servia, they enjoy religious 
freedom and equal civil rights with the other citizens. 
And even in the latter countries, although their 
worship is restricted, they are protected by the gov- 
ernment. 

They enjoy their religious freedom in Persia. In 
Teheran they are engaged in various trades and pro- 



I 50 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

fessions; but in Ispahan and other towns, they are 
very poor, being almost all common laborers. 

In Arabia for more than eighty years, the Jews 
have been subjected to a terrible regime of oppression, 
and even the rabbis, until about twelve years ago, 
were compelled to perform the most humiliating 
duties. But, since the Porte has assumed the 
authority over that country, the persecution of the 
Jews has ceased, and their condition has been greatly 
improved. 

Outside of Tripoli and Tunis where there are more 
than one hundred thousand, and at least forty or fifty 
thousand of them respectively, they fare very poorly 
in Africa, especially in Morocco. 

Beyond the boundary line of the latter country 
the Jews, like the Jewish tribes of Arabia, are a 
nomad people, and conduct caravans across the desert. 

The population of the Jews in the world amounts 
to more than six millions, divided thus: About five 
million in Europe, two hundred thousand in Asia, 
seven hundred thousand in Africa and three hundred 
thousand in the United States and some of them in 
Australia, Canada, Mexico, South America and the 
Islands. 

Although the Jews have the reputation of cherish- 
ing money more than all other peoples, and are not 
all scrupulously honest, they are very seldom accused 
of crime in any country. They are never involved in 
any shooting affrays, and scarcely in quarrels and in 
law suits; nor are they ever seen among burglars, 
rioters or anarchists. 



ANCIEXT AND MODERN I5I 

Since the year 73, having no country which they 
can properly call their own, their increase, like their 
material interests, has been considerably checked by 
the necessity of traveling from one place to another, 
especially, till about a century ago. But now, 
although they can not all be compared, for progeny, 
to the Hebrews of Abraham, families of six, eight, 
and even twelve, children are numerous, chiefiy 
among the poorer classes. 



THE GREAT AMERICAN REPUBLIC. 

INTRODUCTION. 

It is very interesting and very amusing, indeed, to 
hear republican and democratic politicians or educa- 
tors constantly praise their institutions, and express 
their contempt for the monarchies of Europe. That 
they excel, by far, all corresponding classes of any 
other country for giving out theories without defini- 
tions or explanations; for making charges or asser- 
tions without proofs, and spreading absurb notions, 
is illustrated by their own frequent statements, in 
the usual following terms. "The regime of equality, 
freedom and liberty enjoyed by all people under our 
constiLution and our sounel system of education has 
turned the attention of the world towards our com- 
monwealth. The mere fact that millions of people 
favored our laws so much that thcv have shaken ofT 



152 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

the yoke of European monarchies to seek refuge into 
our democracy, while at no time has there been any 
great emigration from our shores into any foreign 
lands; the fact that our country is growing more 
rapidly than any other portion of the earth, in popu- 
lation, in industr}' and in wealth; that the poor or 
laboring classes have greater opportunities to improve 
their condition in it than in any foreign country, 
shows, in the most striking manner, the effeteness of 
monarchies, and also the superiority of our institu- 
tions over those of all other nations. Now, let every 
one consider for a mom.ent: what more equality and 
freedom can a people ask than free speech or a free 
press, and the frequent exercise of the suffrage? In 
our land of the free no one is subject, and every man 
is a sovereign, because he has a voice in the govern- 
ment and a possible access to any of the state offices 
and even to the chief-magistracy. Is it possible that 
men, however so exacting m their requirements or so 
extravagant in their expectations could clamor for 
greater privileges than insulting their public officials, 
their judges, their governor, and even the president 
of their glorious republic? Under our constitution 
every individual has the right to enter into any career, 
to adopt any trade or profession that suits his inter- 
ests or liking; he may stay in the country, or leave it 
when he desires, as he has not to serve years in the 
military service; he may do anything he pleases 
provided he does not infringe on the rights of others. 
Nor have there been any people on earth, but ourselves, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1 5 3 

competent for a free government. In tlie last century 
the French people attempted to found a democracy 
similar to ours, but on account of their excitable tem- 
perament, the}^ could not preserve it, and recoiled to 
monarchy. The English comilionwealth in the seven- 
teenth century, had not experienced any more success, 
because its aristocratic classes were strongly opposed 
to it, and religious animosities broke the nation into 
contending political factions. Nor is it to be forgot- 
ten that the Greek and Roman republics, being con- 
stantly engaged in wars, were governed by dictators, 
and their people blinded with ignorance and supersti- 
tion worshiped gods and goddesses. Besides enjoy- 
ing all the great advantages already enumerated, we 
are not, like most people under monarchies, com- 
pelled to pay any contributions whatsoever towards 
the support of any church. Our people are taxed to 
maintain educational institutions, the teachings of 
which are accomplishing wonders in diffusing practi- 
cal education among them, in developing their best 
characteristics, in promoting the happiness of indi- 
viduals, and insuring the stability of our republic. 
To our principles of government and education our 
prosperity is due; and in the face of our phenomenal 
growth and incomparable achievements, they are 
unworthy of our institutions who find fault with their 
character; they are anarchists, severe laws should 
be enacted against them, and they should be ko| t 
out of our free country." 



I 54 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 

PRIMITIVE STATE OF THE REPUBLIC. 

THE MATERIAL RESOURCKS OF THE COUNTRY. 

EQUALITY OF CONDITION. 

Notwithstanding the great amount of wisdom as- 
signed by Americans to the authors of their pohtical 
system, philosophers or other men of erudition are 
not unanimous in bestowing upon them the highest 
terms of adulation. That they all were, themselves, 
men of high personal character, and won by their 
public spirit the respect and the affection of all their 
people, and the admiration of republicans abroad, is 
generally admitted; but it is impossible to deny that 
they failed to illustrate that profound knowledge of 
mankind so essential to statesmen in the greater and 
more difficult task of marking out for a nation its 
rule of conduct. 

The intense feeling of hostility, which they mani- 
fested through their declaration of man's rights, to- 
wards the king of Great Britain, is the best indication 
that they held him, as a monarch, almost entirely 
responsible for the grievances which they alleged 
their colony had suffered from the rule of that king- 
dom. Evidently, it was, on their part, an error of 
judgment, to impute their difficulties to the arbitrary 
will of a magistrate, who, although sitting on the 
throne of the mightiest empire of the earth, would, 
by virtue of its political constitution, have found it im- 
possible to act the part of a despot against an}- of 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 55 

England's colonies, independently of her parliament, 
whatever the state of his mind or of his caprices to- 
wards them, and whose highest degree of official or 
royal prerogative was to execute the will of the Eng- 
lish people themselves. 

The lack of political harmony existing between 
the American colony and the mother-country, could 
be traced back to the time of the first English settle- 
ments in the new world, and had continued increasing 
with the homogeneousness of the colonial population, 
until, at last, the two peoples, not only differed, but 
were entirely opposed to each other, at least in ideas 
and interests. Most people of New England, wherein 
the democratic ideas highly prevailed, were still greatly 
actuated by the feelings of their ancestors, that had 
fought on the side of the puritanic party against the 
principles of the Stuart dynasty and the authority of 
the Church of England. Although under the new 
and more popular constitution which had ruled Eng- 
land since 1688, the power of the king was not ex- 
ceeding that of the president of a republic, the people 
hated the very name of royalty, which they unreason- 
ably regarded equivalent to despotism itself. More- 
over, despite all efforts through English political in- 
fluence to establish a state church in the colonies, 
religious freedom existed throughout the country; 
nor could the colonists become reccMicilod to the union 
of the state to a church, which, in thoir i^pinion was, 
by reason of its episcopacy, as orthodox as the 
catholic hierarchy. 



156 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Their religious prejudices, however, were not better 
grounded than their animosities against the King of 
England, for the Puritans had always been, in realit}^ 
more arbitrary than the Episcopalians ever were at 
any time since the beginning of their existence. It 
is true that under the reign of Charles the First, 
they proclaimed, throughout Britain, their principles 
of religious and civil liberty; but after becoming dom- 
inant in the country with the rise of their chief Crom- 
well to power, they surpassed all other religious de- 
nominations by their intolerance and tyranny. They 
unmercifully persecuted all those who dared to deviate 
from the puritanic idea, until, at last, the English 
people tired of their politics, their religious eccen- 
tricities and fanaticism, resolved to restore monarchy 
both in church and state. 

The chief and immediate cause of the trouble be- 
tween the old and the new country, arose from the 
rivalry of the two peoples in material interests. Act- 
ing in perfect accordance with a colonial policy, 
adopted at that time by any of the European nations, 
the people of England demanded that the American 
colonies be not allowed to carry on commerce with 
foreign nations nor compete with the mother country 
in manufacturing and ship-building. The commons, 
representing the more democratic portion of the Eng- 
lish people were fully as active in upholding the 
interests of home merchants and manufacturers, and 
as prompt to grant their demands, as the House of 
Loids. Even, in the time of the commonwealth, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 57 

Cromwell's government enacted the navigation laws, 
that favored England's interests; and it was on the 
recommendation of the English Board of Trade that, 
at last, the Stamp Act and the Tax on tea passed 
both houses of parliament. Consequently, had Eng- 
land, at the time of the war of independence, been a 
democracy, instead of a monarchy, the Americans 
could not have hoped for a more liberal policy from 
her president, than they had the right to expect from 
her king. At no time have republics exercised more 
benevolence towards their colonies than monarchies. 
Both Rome and Carthage governed their provinces 
with an iron rule, and used them respectively for 
their own aggrandizement. 

In the beginning of their national existence it was 
very natural for all Americans to stand on a footing 
of equalit3^ Their country, separated from the old 
settled European monarchies by a tremendous ocean, 
was, comparatively, still in a primitive condition; 
and, though larger and richer in natural resources 
than was the more populous or better half of Europe, 
its population did not exceed three million people. 
There was no concentration of wealth in the hands of 
any class ; the people were neither very rich nor poor ; 
their fortunes, their facilities of securing a livelihood, 
and their prospect or possibilities were about equally 
divided. Moreover, reared under a government noted 
for strictly enforcing its laws, and taui;ht from tlioir 
earlier youth, that they nnr'^t be guided b_\' a principle 
hi^rher than money; that they should depend for 



158 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

their support and prosperity, not on the profession of 
pohtics, but on industry or other legitimate pursuits, 
they had, so far, kept their hearts closed to all those 
vices which demagogism in a democracy never fails 
to develop in a superlative degree; and, in conse- 
quence of this, mutual confidence and justice pre- 
vailed in the land. There could hardly be a state of 
circumstances more propitious, more encouraging, 
and better adapted to direct the minds of the masses 
towards their founding a democracy than was offered 
by the present period. It was an epoch bearing 
much resemblance, in many respects, to that at 
which the old Roman democracy replaced the m.on- 
archy of the Tarquins, and was rendered glorious by 
the presence of American patriots worthy of Cincin- 
natus and Fabricius. 

A few years after their democracy was founded and 
recognized by all civilized nations, the Americans 
acquired Louisiana, a tract of land adjoining the 
southern portion of their first settlements, and extend- 
ing from the Atlantic to the Pacific oceans. Then 
the territory of the republic had become so extensive, 
so advantageous by its enormous amount of natural 
wealth, and its diversity of chmes, that, of all 
countries, it at once gained the reputation of being 
the best adapted for emigrants from the oldest civilized 
countries of the earth. Its immense area of arable 
land that could and can still be procured at exceed- 
ingly low prices; the wonderful fertility of its soil, 
yielding the most abundant crops of wheat, corn, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 159 

barley, oats, cotton and sugar-cane, and its incom- 
parable facilities for breeding cattle, are sufficient to 
form the foundation of the nation's greatness. When^ 
besides all these resources, we take into consideration 
all other advantages which the country possesses; its 
tremendous mines of coal, iron, lead, zinc, copper 
and even of silver and gold, its timber lands, its water 
powers and water ways, and its commodious harbors 
on both of the oceans, it can not be doubted that 
this portion of America, now occupied by the United 
States, was intended by nature to become sometime 
one of the wealthiest, most populous and mightiest 
countries of the earth. 

Now, let us see, on the other hand, what were the 
nature and the circumstances of the European 
countries, their degree of growth and development, 
and the social condition of their people at the time 
of the American revolutionary war. In the first place 
none of. these countries possessed natural resources 
equal to those of the United States. The most popu- 
lous nations of Europe had existed for more than one 
thousand years, or ever since the renaissance of civili- 
zation, upon the ruins of the Roman Empire of the 
West In the beginning every country had a popula- 
tion much larger in proportion to the extent of its 
territory, than that of the American republic, at the 
time it was founded. And although the Europeans 
never had had at their disposal such great advantages 
as are even now enjoyed by Americans, th.eir means 
of subsistence were about oiiuall}' shared by all the 



l60 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

people, as it generally occurs in the primitive state of 
all nations. 

But, afterwards, fortunes were made; wealth 
naturally concentrated itself in the hands of a few 
individuals, and increased, as it was b}^ rights of hered- 
ity handed down from generation to generation of 
one particular class of people. The rise of wealthy 
families was, then, in accordance with a natural law 
that governs events in the life of nations, accompa- 
nied with the existence of a still larger poor class. 
While the growth of the population and the develop- 
ment of material resources had promoted the interests 
of the rich, the scarcity of land, which could not be 
acquired but at a high price could only the more in- 
crease the difficulties of the laboring elements. 
Several centuries had brought to every nation that 
inequality of fortunes, which gave birth to three dis- 
tinct orders, the aristocracy, the proletariate and the 
middle class. There is nothing very surprising or 
unnatural, then, in the fact that a portion of the 
population finding it too difficult to earn a livelihood 
at home, sought foreign lands with the hope of better- 
ing their condition. Of what great advantage could 
Christopher Columbus' wonderful discovery have 
been to mankind, had not America been used as the 
refuge country for the overflowing element of the 
European nations? 

Is it not nonsensical, even idiotic, or most unjust 
to impute to the despotism of monarchies, of what- 
soever form they may be, the emigrating of some 



ANCIExNT AND MODERN l6l 

poor people cu the United States of America, for ac- 
quiring cheap lands or other easy means of subsist- 
ence whicli they could never secure in their own 
country? In supposing that the United States and all 
countries of Europe would have been under the same 
form of government, which would have been the 
more rational or more feasible thing for the poor 
people, to emigrate from the American republic into 
Europe, or from Europe into the American republic? 
One must not be endowed with great genius to give 
this question a reasonable answer. If he knows only 
a little more than nothing at all, he can but acknowl- 
edge that a new and large countr}^ naturally rich in 
all respects, offers the poor classes far better chances 
of improving their condition than old settled countries. 
The difference between Europe and the United States 
was this: The former had a tremendous population, 
but very little new land, while the latter with its vast 
quantity of good land and the immensity of its natural 
resources had no population comparatively, and de- 
pended entirely on foreign immigration for its devel- 
opment and the building up of a great civilized nation. 
And as America was settled and civilized by Europe, 
so is the white portion of Americans the outcome of 
the Europeans. 

Yet, while the emigrating of foreigners may appear 
an enormous influx in the eyes of Americans, notwith- 
standing the vastness of their territory, it is very 
insigiiirtcant for the populous luuI p.rt)litic nations of 

Euroi)e. The United States occupies a territory of 
u 



l62 



GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 



about three million five hundred and sixty-two thou- 
sand square miles, and its population, according to 
the last census, amounted to onlv sixtv-three million 
people, including seven or eight milhon negroes. 
This result hardly gave eighteen inhabitants to a 
square mile of the country's area, which is almost 
free from worthless land. Then, if Americans or 
other democrats or republicans were justified in as- 
signing their achievements to the wisdom of their 
institutions, after incessantly receiving immigration 
from almost every old settled country on earth for 
more than a century, and, as they themselves acknowl- 
edge, without losing any people by their passing into 
other lands, how much more justified still would the 
monarchists be, in praising their own principles for 
promoting, holding and managing populations of such 
density as those of the European countries? 

The entire territory of Europe covers an area of 
three million seven hundred and eiglit-five thousand 
square miles, which is only two hundred and twenty- 
three thousand miles larger than the United States of 
America, and its population which, a century ago, 
was only one hundred and forty million, now amounts 
to about three hundred and fifty million people, or a 
hundred to the square mile; \\hile a large portion of 
its northern countries is not habitable, and there is a 
considerable amount of waste or worthless land in 
all others. 

Although the population of the European monar- 
chies has alwa\s increased and still continue increas- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1 63 

A 

ing, without the assistance of any foreign immigration, 
they have been at work for centuries past, settling, 
not only the United States, but all other countries of 
America, and parts of Asia, Africa and Oceanica. 
Consider this, democrats and republicans; good gov- 
ernment and good education stimulate the growth of 
population; and the more populous a countr}', the 
more difficult becomes the task of governing it. The 
rapid increase of population in a new and rich 
country, like the United States, is no evidence that 
its institutions are wise. It is possible that the natural 
circumstances in which it is placed, and even the very 
defects of its political constitution may, for a time, 
promote the growth of a nation, before its evils are 
complained of, and the chief cause of their existence 
is discovered. But such a large proportion of popu- 
lation in the European countries, notwithstanding 
all their comparatively great disadvantages, is the 
strongest proof that their political institutions are of 
the soundest and most vigorous character. 

Why is it, often ask Americans, that Canada, 
which is under a monarchial rule, does not grow as 
fast as the United States; that a great many Cana- 
dians, especially those of French origin, immigrate in 
large numbers to our country, if our institutions are 
not better than their own? It is true that the growth 
of that country has been apparently slow when com- 
pared with that of the American republic. Yet, if 
all circumstances connected with it arc considered, 
it c:v.i not be denied that its increase of population 



164 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

has been as large and as rapid as could be warranted 
by the nature of the conntry. The ag^gregate popu- 
lation of all the provinces that constitute the Domin- 
ion of Canada did not exceed one million four hundred 
thousand inhabitants in 1840, but now it reaches at 
least five million. The Canadian territory is far 
from possessing as great natural advantages as the 
United States. Although some portions of the country 
are very productive in wheat, barley, rye and oats, 
there is a vast area of its land, which is almost worth- 
less, nor could ever be rendered habitable. Like the 
United States it has a great abundance of fine timber 
of various kinds, fisheries and furs; but it is without 
cotton or corn, and deprived of the natural advantages 
for the breeding of cattle which Americans possess 
in a far greater extent than any other nation of the 
earth. There are in Canada but a few mines of any 
importance, besides those of Lake Superior, and both 
the provinces of Ontario and Quebec are without coal. 
Moreover its climate, being very cold throughout 
almost the entire country, has but very little attrac- 
tion, except for a few emigrants from northern 
regions, while the incomparable diversit}' of climes 
in the American republic invites emigration from 
all points of the compass. The St. Lawrence 
river, the only outlet to the sea from the princi- 
pal cities of the Dominion, being frozen in winter, 
is closed to navigation and foreign commerce at least 
five months in the year. 

The assigning of the slow progress of Mexico and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 65 

other vSouth American republics to the inllaence and 
intolerance of Catholicism is equally erroneous. 
These countries, with all the richness of their soil, 
are, as to climate, placed in the same circumstances 
as Canada, with this difference: their climate is hot 
or mild, and therefore better adapted for people of 
the warm and temperate zones than others; while 
many countries, in all parts of the world, having a 
similar climate, receive their great share of emigration 
from the same source. 

Evidently, the people in the United States are not 
indebted to the wisdom of republican institutions for 
their material prosperity, any more than the natural 
resources of their country can be attributed to that 
same cause, and they would obtain equal success 
under any of the monarchies, if they were placed in 
similar circumstances. Are not the people under the 
latter governments, as free as in any republics to 
embrace any professions or trades they choose? Have 
not a great many of them risen from abject poverty 
to affluence? Have they not extended their com- 
merce and their industries through all parts of the 
world ? 

It is evident, Americans, that the very inequality 
of condition, which you incessantly assign to the 
despotism of European monarchies and aristocracies 
has been to this time the main source of your own 
prosperity. Have not the riches of Europe furnished 
you with capital to carry on your enterprises and 
develop the resources of your country? Do you not 



1 66 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

go to the monarchies of England, German}' and Hol- 
land to borrow money from their free, thriving and 
vv'ealthy people? Besides, notwithstanading all the 
contempt so often expressed for the working men or 
paupers from Europe, it is to those elements that 
you owe your national or individual existence. It 
can not be said even that all emigrants from England 
into America till the time of the war of independence 
were of as high a grade as those of the first colonies 
that had been founded in the new country, in the 
reign of Charles the First, Had you depended on 
wealthy immigrants for building up your nation you 
woidd have been one of the most insignificant people 
on earth, for it is not customary for the richer classes 
to relinquish the comforts and pleasures of old built 
up countries to seek refuge in the lonely and un- 
comfortable resorts of wild lands. 

Enough has been said already to confute the fre- 
quent assertions of republicans or democrats that the 
monarchies of Europe are opposed to the welfare of 
mankind. However, it is only after exhibiting the 
fallacies of the great modern republic and the produc- 
tion of their evils, that all the respective merits of 
those governments shall be proclaimed. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1 6/ 

AMERICAN CONSTITUTION, ITS EXCELLENT 
POINTS AND ITS DEFECTS. 

The American constitution is prefaced in the fol- 
lowing terms: 

"We the people of the United States, in order to 
form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure 
domestic tranquillity, promote the general welfare 
and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
our posterity do ordain and establish this constitution 
for the United States of America." 

Articles I, III, IV and VI of the Constitution 
are almost wholly copied from the monarchies of 
Europe. They provide for a Congress composed of 
a Senate, and a House of Representatives, and give 
this Congress the power of laying and collecting taxes, 
duties, imposts and excises; to borrow money and 
pay debts; of providing for the common defense and 
general welfare; of regulating commerce with foreign 
nations and among the several states; of coining 
money and fixing the standard of weights and meas- 
ures. Those assemblies are authorized to punish the 
counterfeiting of the securities and current coin of the 
United States; to establish postoffices and post- 
roads; to punish piracies and "felonies, and offenses 
against the law of nations; to declare war and make 
rules regarding it; to raise and support armies; and 
to provide and maintain a navy; to provide for call- 
ing forth the militia to execute the hivvs of the union, 
suppress insurrections and repel invasions; to provide 



1 68 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and 
f jr governing such parts of them as may be required 
in the service of the United vStates, and to preserve 
the writ of "habeas corpus." 

Americans, who boast of promoting the advantages 
of individual liberty by the trial of all crimes by juries, 
ought to know that this provision in their Constitu- 
tion is no invention of their own, that jury trials were 
instituted in absolute monarchies, many centuries 
before their republic was founded. 

Nor should they forget that the same protection 
they offered to their authors and inventors by secur- 
ing them the exclusive rights to their respective writ- 
ings and discoveries, was enjoyed by the correspond- 
ing classes in the European countries long before the 
authors of their Constitution were born. 

The law compelling Congress to protect every state 
against invasion, and on application of a state legis- 
lature or of its executive, against domestic violence, 
is nothing more extraordinary than the attitude or 
policy of England or other monarchies towards any 
portion of their em.pire respectively. Most articles 
additional to, or amendatory of, the Constitution, 
are also taken from the monarchial rule. 

The parts of the Constitution which Americans 
have the right to claim as their own, although parth' 
borrowed from the Greek and Roman republics, and 
on which their government differs from monarchies 
constitutional or absolute are; the election of the 
president for a limited term of office, the accessibility 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 69 

of all individuals to public offices; Section 3. of 
Article III making treason against the United States 
consist only in levying war against them, or in adher- 
ing to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort; 
religious indifference and materialism in public educa- 
tion, and the boundless freedom of speech and of the 
press. It is these very points that render the Ameri- 
can Constitution unconstitutional, as it shall be 
clearly demonstrated hereafter that this institution is 
entirely inconsistent with the constitution of man. 

The right of Americans to secede from England is 
not questioned; but however so high a degree of 
justice in their title to national independence, while 
they secured their, freedom from that power, they 
could have established a form of government suitable 
to the requirements of a large country, of a growing 
population and advanced state of civilization. 

The most striking impression which a careful ob- 
server receives from his reading the American Con- 
stitution after knowing their precedent declaration of 
man's rights, is that its authors seemed guided by one 
sentiment; the fear of a George the Third. They 
should have dreaded a Cromwell rather than a Charles 
the First or a George; a Catiline, a Verres or an 
Athenian democrat, rather tlr.in a Cjesar or an Alex- 
ander. Their nn'nds centered in their effort to provide 
the people with the means of rendering the rise of 
one man's power impossible, and even to guard 
them against any state official that nn'ght be disposed 
to haughtiness. But, as they piincipally aimed at 



I/O GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

protecting the new nation against any man's tyranny, 
they were unconscious of preparing for their countr}^ 
through their injudicious ways of asserting the rights 
of men, evils or woes far more numerous and far more 
dangerous than any monarchial despotism could ever 
produce. If they were not altogether ignorant of 
history, nor influenced by the absurd idea, so often 
expressed by some American papers, that the nature 
of man undergoes a radical change and improves 
itself, after he has passed from the old world into 
their land of freedom, they were unwise enough to 
subject the destinies of the nation to the trials of nev/ 
and fatal experiments, rather than taking lessons 
and receiving warning from the republics of the past 
ages. Naturally disposed to judge all political men 
of the country by the standard of their own respecta- 
bility, and animated b}^ the desire of preserving their 
cherished principles of libert}' and equality, American 
statesmen were led to establish a system of free and 
most lenient government and blindly trusted in the 
permanent purity of democratic institutions. 



POLITICAL ORGANIZATION. 

FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, STATE LEGISLATURES, CITY 
COUNCILS. THE MOST ENTHUSIASTIC ADHER- 
ENTS TO THE JEFFERSONIAN SCHOOL OF 
VIRTUOUS DEMOCRACY ACCUSING AND 
CONDEMNING ONE ANOTHER. 

The great republic comprehends now fcrty-four 
states, every one of which has an independent legis- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I /I 

lature, though submitted to the federal government at 
Washington. Every state elects a governor and a 
lieutenant-governor; and its legislature is composed 
of a House of Representatives, and a Senate whose 
members are also elected by the people. 

The federal government consists-of a President and a 
Vice-president elected by the people for four years, ^ 
and a Congress, composed of a House of Represent- 
atives from all the states, elected for two years, and a 
Senate, whose members are chosen by the joint ballot 
of both houses of the state legislatures for six years; 
and each state has two senators. The Vice-President 
is president of the Senate; and the President chooses 
the secretaries of his- cabinet, eight in. number, who 
have to be confirmed by the Senate; he also controls 
all the appointments of officials in the federal service 
throughout the country. There are more than a 
hundred and fifty thousand of these offices, which, 
after every presidential election, are eagerly sought 
by several hundred thousand men. 

Besides, in each of the state legislatures, the prin- 

*The President and the Vice-President are not elected directly by 
the suffrage of the people. For their election each state appoints, for 
Svery party in the Presidential contest, a number of electors equal to 
the whole number of Representatives and Senators to wnich the state 
is entitled in the national government. The people of eacli state vote 
for these electors according to their political opmion, respectively. 
The set of electors, in each state, that receive the majority of the pop- 
ular suffrage, vote for the Candidate of their ticket. It is the major- 
ity of the electors from all the states th.at elect the President and the 
Vice-President, who sometimt^s f.iil to carry tlie majority of 'Aw \otes 
in tho natioii at larire. 



1/2 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

cipal officials, such as the state and count}' attorneys, 
auditors, sheriffs, etc., and a board of education are 
elected by the people. 

Every city and every little town in the country 
elects a mayor, a board of aldermen ; and the principal 
officials, even the f^aolers, the constables and public 
impounders are appointed by the suffrage. These 
elections take place annually or every two, three or 
four years, according to the localities. 

Looking over this vast political field we can easily 
judge of the great opportunities of these republican 
and democratic patriots to serve the interest of their 
country. Should the theory of philosophers, Thomas 
Paine, Jeremiah Bentham and his pupil Mills, that 
the frequency of elections promotes the welfare of a 
people, be true, it would certainly accomplish won- 
derful results in the republic, and the Americans would, 
undoubtedly, be the most wisely governed people 
in the world ; as not only do they surpass any of the 
other nations by the number of electoral contests, but 
these occur so frequently that their political system 
may fairly be said to consist chiefly in electing and 
appointing magistrates or officials. 

Amidst all these turmoils, the politicians seem tcr 
care nothing for government. No sooner have they 
disposed of an election, than they set at work pre- 
paring for the next one, even for the presidential 
contest. During a year, at least, from the day of 
the president's inaugural, the interests of the entire 
nation center on the noniination of officials for the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1/3 

public service, and their confirmation by the Senate; 
and the whole year preceding the expiration of his 
term the attention of the people is given to specula- 
tion and conjectures regarding the coming national 
elections. And, as every state legislature and every 
city council go through a like ordeal, comparatively, 
the people hardly enjoy a day of repose and tran- 
quillity. They are constantly engaged in adjusting - 
political matters, but political matters are never ad- 
justed. 

Moreover, when the larger number of public servants 
have acquired sufficient experience in their official 
capacity to be the most serviceable to the state, they 
have to give up their positions to new men who, 
generally, know nothing of the public service. These 
changes in the personnel of the government are a great 
source of errors and trouble; but the politicians call 
this system: "Giving a chance to the Boys by 
rotation." 

Again, besides certain general laws governing all 
the states, the constitution and the statutes of each 
state must conform with the federal laws and consti- 
tution. So many different laws are found to be 
another deep source of annoyance and mischief, 
principally to traders and merchants; for, although 
every individual is supposed to know the laws of his 
country, how is it possible for an\' cmic, even the 
most talented or most learned jurist to keep himself 
constantly familiar with the statutes of lorty-fi\e 
goverinncuts? 



174 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

As to politics, the American people are divided In 
four classes. First of all, are those who attempt at 
making it-a lucrative profession; they form a large 
number of officials and office seekers, and silent opera- 
tors. The latter, though seeing no chances of ever 
being elected or appointed, nor desiring an office, if 
they could get it, are often the most influential men 
over politics and even, meantime, financial affairs. 
The}', generally, are the bosses of many of the people's 
candidates, and also of the lobbyists engaged in pro- 
moting schemes through legislatures, for the special 
benefit of rings or corporations. The second class 
consists of the honest officials and patriotic politi- 
cians; although rumor denies their existence. How- 
ever, it is difficult to believe that all politicians, m 
the American democracy, are of a like character. 
The third body is composed of the citizens, who 
hardly ever fail using an opportunity of exercising 
their right of citizenship, by voting for good or bad. 
Then comes a vast number of citizens, indifferent 
towards the government, and who very seldom vote. 
Their reason for refraining from exercising their polit- 
ical privileges is that the}' have no time to give to 
other men's business; nor could they attend to so 
much politics without greatly injuring their individual 
interests. 

Is all this not sufficient, at the outset, to prove the 
weakness of the Amercian system of government? It 
can hardly be said that the Jeffersonian school of 
democracy has produced the salutary results which it 



ANCIENT AND MODICRN 1/5 

had anticipated. Its principal fallacy was to subor- 
dinate the general interests of the nation to individ- 
ualism. The personal ambition of a vast multitude 
of patriots became, at last, the dominant factor, and 
the welfare of the country, the least consideration, of 
politics. Liberties have degenerated into license; 
and under this rule, citizens, besides politicians, 
having to depend on their own exertions for self- 
protection, are gradually giving up disinterestedness 
and public spirit. 

If philosophers or statesmen were called upon to 
prepare for any state, a system of politics, plausible 
or admirable in theory, but with a view to foment 
discord, develop vices, and stir up dangerous animos- 
ities among the people, it is extremely doubtful 
whether they could devise a constitution capable to 
excel that of the United States of America for the 
purpose intended. But both the press and the poli- 
ticians call this system "the government of the people, 
by the people and for the ]:>eople." What infamy! 
Not contented with using their freedom of speech, 
and political prerogative to gratify their personal 
ambition, they add slander and insult to abuse, in 
placing all citizens in their own class. Why do they 
not call it, at best, "the government of the demagogues, 
by the demagogues and for the demagogues.'*" With 
all their unbounded egotism they might, perhaps, ex- 
pect an attempt at proving ilrs from a inonarchial 
source, but no more con\incing e\idcnce than their 
own shall be procured. Americans, ask both the 



1/6 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

republicans and the democrats what they think of it? 
The republicans often say that the democratic politi- 
cians are thieves, and prove it; and the democrats 
often say that the republican politicians are thieves, 
and prove it. Now, look at those men that dare to 
confront you without blushing. They are the very 
individuals most demonstratively asserting their com- 
petency for a free government, and, who, while 
denouncing a stronger institution as despotism, are 
the more sapping the foundation of your republic. 

Is it not interesting to find that a politcial consti- 
tution, which supposes the most scrupulous integrity 
and disinterestedness on the part of all citizens, 
developes soon or late, in some classes, the opposite 
vices .'^ When they are told that political corruption 
is the deadly poison of free governments, they do not 
seem to care much for a little thing like that, and 
retort saying: "All the fault you can discover in 
our republic is corruption," like a sick man, who 
would remark: "I am perfectly sound and healthy 
in every respect; the only trouble with me is con- 
sumption." 

While the masses suffer all kinds of abuses under 
the Stars and Stripes, the corrupt factions of political 
parties pride themselves on enjoying the best govern- 
ment on earth. However, it is not everything for the 
people to know that reforms are wanted. But, as the 
medical doctor must always find the root and the 
nature of a disease, before he can successfully treat 
it, so they cannot hope to regenerate their political 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1/7 

and social state, until they shall seriously and deeply 
enquire into their case and discover the chief causes 
of their difficulties. 

Led by the same spirit of fairness and moderation 
that has characterized this work from the beginning", 
it shall continue examining into the political system 
of the country, in its complex state, and endeavor to 
point out all its most dangerous evils, and explain 
their effects upon the nation. In every corrupt re- 
public, vice, abuse and tyranny are carried on or en- 
couraged by the very institutions which the people 
have mostly to depend upon for their welfare and 
their protection. Therefore, besides continuing to 
refute the assertions of republicans against the mon- 
archies, the press, the educatory system, the suffrage, 
the legislative, the judicial and the executive branches 
of the republic must form the. main subjects of our 
next consideration. 



ELOQUENCE, FREE PRESS, AND FREE 

SPEECH. 

Absolute monarchies have always been noted for 
a scarcity of political orators. Under those govern- 
ments, the will of the ruler, leaves very little ground 
for parliamentary oratory or persuasive exertion. On 
the contrary, democracies can justly boast of the 
most celebrated speakers, as the resource of eloquence, 
being the popular substitute for one man's authority 

12 



1/8 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

is, next to civic virtue, the principal motive power 
of a free constitution. 

In the earher times of the ancient repubhcs, there 
was nothing remarkable in the oratorial displays of 
their statesmen; but if public speakers were, then, 
comparatively few, a large multitude of men were 
found, whose virtues were far more serviceable to 
the strength and to the stability of free institutions 
than eloquence proved in later ages. 

It is in the declining period of a republic wherein 
a remnant of civic vitalit}' is still struggling against its 
fatal disease, that the orator can at best advantage 
employ his lofty genius. His power, on such occasion, 
seems to grow, as vices and crimes spread in the 
nation, and the vigor of the constitution decreases. 
In denouncing the actions of demagogues, and ex- 
horting the masses to the practicing of virtue; in pray- 
ing to the Ruler of the Universe for the preservation 
of public morals and for the maintenance of the com- 
monwealth ; in contemplating, in his imagination, an 
ideal state which can never be established on earth, 
he wins public admiration, and attains his highest 
degree of perfection. Meanwhile the democratic soil 
becomes extremel}' fertile in public speakers or writers 
of all characters. As, when epidemic diseases are 
raging, physicians and charlatans alike offer the sick 
their medical services, so do, in a corrupt democracy, 
both the virtuous orators and the demagogues rival 
one another, by speech or by writing, at pretending 
to reform political and social abuses, and alleviate 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1/9 

the woes of the people. Almost every one of them, 
in endeavoring to control the destinies of his country- 
men, succeeds in gaining a number of adherents to 
his side; and this vigorous contest, for good or evil, 
carried by the most astute, the most talented, and 
the most active men in the country, always results in 
breaking the nation into dangerous factions. It soon 
becomes evident that the commonwealth, which so 
many individuals pretend to regenerate, has, at last, 
grown so corrupt, that it can never be saved from 
ruin by the most transcendent eloquence. Orator}^ 
both in Athens and in Rome, was superseded by the 
rule of imperialism, for rescuing the people's inter- 
ests from the hands of republican officials, and restor- 
ing justice and order. Demosthenes, after upsetting, 
for a time the designs of Philip of Macedon, after 
fulminating Eschines and other traitors of democratic 
pretensions, yielded his oral power to the authority 
of King Alexander who then became the savior and 
the chief of all the Grecian republics. 

Cicero's efforts were of no avail against the cor- 
ruption of his time, and he fell victim of those whom 
his eloquence had annoyed but failed to convince. 
The Roman republic had expired when Fulvia pierced 
the tongue of her most virtuous orator. 

The public men of Sparta were the most laconic 
speakers in the world. The constitution which hor 
inhabitants had received from L\cuigus outlined for 
all lime to come the policy of their government and 
their duties towards it. Under this institution, partly 



l80 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

royal and partly democratic, no harangues, or remon- 
strances, or exhortations, were deemed necessary to 
inspire men with love for their country and venera- 
tion for the gods. Even the devotion of women to 
the commonwealth surpassed, by far, their feelings 
for their own children. 

In the English democracy, Cromwell talked con- 
stantly against absolute authority, and pretended to 
cherish the liberties of all men. But, meantime, 
this astute and omnipotent protector was despotic 
enough to substitute his own will for parliamentary 
debates, that had been the main cause of the people's 
bloody struggles, and which he had promised them as 
the price of the death of King Charles the First. It 
was after monarchy had been restored in England, 
and especially when the nation had received its new 
Constitution, known as "Magna Charta," and in the 
reign of George the Second and under the ministry 
of Walpole, that parliamentary eloquence was fairly 
inaugurated; and that it has been, from the outset, 
successfully carried till the present time, is well 
know'n. In this constitutional monarchy, as in all 
others, the representatives of the people have the 
right to give in the most energetic and heated discus- 
sion of public affairs; but none of them thinks it his 
duty or a necessity to exhort others to virtue, or see 
any reason to remonstrate against vices. The prompt 
and excellent execution of the laws produces all the 
result that can be expected in that direction, without 
recourse to any special oratory, and without calling 



ANCIENT AND MODERN l8l 

public indignation meetings. Statesmen may differ 
in opinions, as well as in any democracy, and may 
even become most determined and antagonistic rivals, 
but from their differences and animated debates come 
out the best laws for the people. 

In the last century, the republicans of France, in 
their earnest efforts at founding a fraternal democ- 
racy, or an ideal constitution for all the nations of 
the world, succeeded in cutting one another's throats 
nicely, while singing the Marseillaise hymn, or deliv- 
ering orations amidst cries of "equality and liberty." 
Almost all notable men who were sent to the guillo- 
tine had been distinguished speakers. The French 
people, after listening to a great deal of pathetic and 
brilliant declamation, found, at last, their salvation 
in monarchy. 

In our times, under all constitutional governments 
oral eloquence of a high national character is declining, 
not from a scarcity of talents, but from the fact that 
the power of the press is gradually taking its place. 
In constitutional monarchies, the press, although 
enjoying a vast amount of liberty, and exercising a 
wonderful influence over politics and society, has no 
unlimited power, but, like all other careers or profes- 
sions, is justly bound to respect the sovereign author- 
ity of the nation, and refrain from tyrannizing any 
individual or any classes in the nation. 

A people sometimes loudly clamor for an unbounded 
freedom of speech and writing, and when they have 
it, they find themselves without protection against its 



I 82 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

abusive license. In the American commonwealth 
the press is virtually the government of the people. 
Editors of the leading papers, attempting to educate 
all classes, to form and govern public opinion, have 
but little fear of the laws, by which they are supposed, 
as well as all other individuals, to be governed. If 
they wish to make an unjust use of the means at their 
disposal, what power has the democracy to curb their 
tyrannical insolence? How can penalties be inflicted 
upon them, as the president, the governors, the legis- 
lators, the judges, and all the government officials or 
office seekers, whose political success and subsistence 
greatly depend on the attitude and caprices of the 
press towards them, become the most loyal, the most 
obedient, and the most servilo subjects of this mighty 
institution? 

In a democracy, the only condition under which 
the masses of the people could fairly pretend to enjoy 
the liberty of the press, would be the establishment of 
public papers, supported by the government, and to 
which any citizen could have access, free of charge, 
to express his opinions, or defend himself against 
slanders or other like abuses. With the present 
system., all newspapers, being but private institutions, 
are published for private interests and evidently the 
people are placed at their mercy. 

That there are, in circulation, many respectable 
sheets, can not be denied; but these are said to be 
dull and devoid of much interest. The others spec- 
ially endeavor to keep the masses in ignorance, while 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 83 

pretending to enlighten them, and gain popularity 
and patronage by fascinating the minds with sensa- 
tional appeals to vices. They incessantly refer to 
liberty, and man's rights, but they are very cautious 
not to explain the true meaning of such words. What 
are they but catalogues of false statements, of scandals 
of all descriptions, of silly and vile literature, 
buffoonery and slangs, always inclined to ridicule or 
villify people or things, when there is no money in 
sight by praising them. But, for a dollar or less they 
will publish and editorially recommend almost any- 
thing, whether true or false. Recognizing no au- 
thority but their own pen they often give away private 
or family affairs, which do not concern the public, 
and take delight in fomenting troubles or difiiculties 
without regard to the people's good or public decency. 
Those instruments of wickedness and iniquities are 
often most unmercifully employed against defenseless 
citizens. Men attacked, outraged and slandered by 
the press, if deprived of a printing establishment, find 
it a difficult task to rival an institution bound by 
mutual agreement to reciprocal protection'against any 
citizen's effort to have redress. Knowing that they 
cannot depend upon obtaining justice in the law- 
courts, they have to suffer all kinds of abuses in face 
of all the judicial magistrates of the country. The 
use of pistols, which is sometimes resorted to by the 
injured party can only aggravate his case. 

Nor has the press any right even to attack the 
character of ex-convicts, in private difficulties, by 



184 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

reminding the public of their past records. Yet how 
often does it exercise the utmost tyranny in that 
direction? The object of punishing crimes is not only 
to inflict a penalty on a convicted malefactor, and to 
protect society, but also to reform him. When any 
individual has served his term of imprisonment, he is 
supposed to have sufficiently atoned for his deed and 
be regenerated. And, even if he is to forfeit his polit- 
ical privileges, having to earn a living and needing all 
possible encouragement to continue in the path of 
good behavior, justice and charity demand that his 
past life never be publicly advertised, unless he should 
again enter into the criminal career. 

In order to show themselves alive to public inter- 
ests, they alwa3^s obstruct the course of justice. No 
sooner is a crime of any character rumored than the 
press sets at work to secure all particulars related to 
it for publication. This is one of the circumstances 
in which the newspapers mostly emulate one another 
for despatch and indiscretion. Their correspond- 
ents must also interview the accused to have a 
hearing from him in advance of the court and of the 
lawyers. In consequence of such abuses, when the 
case is called for trial, the community is so well in- 
formed touching all its details that the court always 
experiences the greatest difficulty to get men to serve 
as jurors, who have not already formed an opinion 
regarding it, and is forced to the alternate course of 
employing rogues and individuals that cannot read. 
In some cases weeks are consumed to impanel a jury^ 



ANCIENT AND MODERN l8; 



D 



Moreover such premature publications furnish crimi- 
nals the best opportunities of guarding themselves 
against public vigilance and of evading justice, at 
least for a time, while they cause legal authorities to 
spend larger sums of money for their arrest than they 
would, had the press remained silent on the subject 
till the accused are incarcerated. 

In all well governed countries, the press has to 
receive its information regarding all matters of a legal 
character, from the judiciary department; and this is 
practiced even in Turkey, China and Japan, But 
what do the papers of the land of the free care for 
justice or public good, so long as they can, by means 
of sensational news, secure a few cents from readers? 
Not satisfied with their practicing such abuses, they 
may intimidate the judges on their bench, by com- 
menting on the proceedings of pending legal cases, 
either civil or criminal, and succeed in influencing the 
ruling of the courts and the verdict of juries. Be- 
side, the press, by unscrupulously running down the 
European institutions and exaggerating its state- 
ments in praising its own, is often morally respon- 
sible for the cruel disappointments felt by a great 
many immigrants to the United States, for their mis- 
deeds, and the troubles in which some of them be- 
come involved. 

A great portion of the American press instructs 
its readers against the teachings of any church, 
but meanwhile, dictates to them what they should 
believe and disbelieve; and all its doctrines are 
directed to strengthen itvS power, 



J 86 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Are not some papers which pretend to work in- 
cessantly for the public good, the organs of corrupt 
rings or rapacious politicians, and the chief monopoly 
of all monopolies? Do they not constantly conspire 
or lead conspiracies against the people? Such is 
the character of that tremendous engine of intellectual 
and moral destruction that represents itself as the 
most worthy public educator and most energetic 
champion of popular rights. When, in any country, 
public sentiment flows greatly from such a poisonous 
source, is it a wonder that corruption should make 
rapid progress among the people? 

As the monarch's true interests are identical with 
the prosperity of his people, so is the welfare of a 
large portion of the republican or democratic press in 
perfect accord with corrupt politics; and as Demos- 
thenes and Cicero always clamored for the continu- 
ance of a democratic constitution, the former in 
iVthens, and the latter in Rome, with no other object 
but gratif3ang their personal ambition and oratorical 
talents, so do public papers in modern republics 
strongly adhere to their permanency because these 
governments assure them a supreme authority over 
all other classes of society. 

Besides free press, one of the most dangerous 
liberties of the American republic is free speech. The 
privilege which anyone enjoys in censuring the laws, 
after they are enacted, and disrespecting or insulting 
their magistrates, naturally invites persons inclined 
to mischief to defy them and terrorize society. In 



ANCIENT ADN MODERN I 8/ 

making treason consist only in the act of carrying on 
war against the country, the constitution permits and 
even assists deHberations or plots, and also rebellion, 
against the government, for war must be decided upon 
by speech, before it can be inaugurated. 



THE PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATION. 

The object of education is the improvement of 
human beings, and is intended to render both man 
and woman capable of fulfilling their duties to their 
Creator, to their country, and to themselves. In 
order to accomplish this end, the educatory system 
of a nation must principally aim at exercising the will 
of individuals to subdue the empire of their vicious 
propensities; and consequently their mere intellectual 
and physical development must be subordinate to 
moral principles. This theory has been proclaimed 
by the most profound moralists and the wisest legisla- 
tors of all ages, as the most effective in enabling man 
to enjoy all his rights and privileges without injuring 
others. 

According to a set of people, what more fortu- 
nate lot can fall to mortals than their being born 
under a democracy.^ Besides regarding themselves 
superior in all respects to others, they possess, in 
their minds, all the best characteristics of mankind 
without any of its defects. But, why should they be 
immaculate? Are they not of the same nature as all 



I 88 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

other people? Or, is man's constitution becoming 
regenerated after being transplanted from a monarchy 
to a republic ? Or is there in the atmosphere of 
democratic or republican politics a celestial breeze that 
blows, vice out, and virtue in, the breast of human 
beings? What do they mean by man's competence 
for a free government? It is true love of his country, 
or his love of himself and his liberty to subject the 
public welfare to his personal interests, or his apathy 
that renders him contented and loyal, under a regime 
of vice and abuse? What is their education? Their 
children are not, like others, reared in monarchies, 
submitted to any rule of discipline or behavior. They 
are instructed to abhor from obedience and restraint, 
and to follow, in all things, the caprices of their will. 
They are taught to believe that their fathers or fore- 
fathers, knew everything, invented everything, and 
that God's Green Earth, as they call it, is indebted 
to them for its progress and enlightenment. They are 
naturally led by the utterances, by the lessons and 
examples of their educators to praise themselves and 
run down all others, and are told that citizens, born 
under democratic institutions, are the model people, 
and all other nations must copy from them to be right 
in fashion. 

Moreover, the teachings of their schools and of the 
press, while filling the minds of children, men and 
women with false ideas of independence and freedom, 
conceit and self-esteem, are working, directly or in- 
directly, to corrupt their hearts by exciting or feeding 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I 89 

their passions, without, in any way, developing their 
virtues. Most of the public educators of republics 
are no more capable of rearing a people for democracy 
the>n the most illiterate man is fit to write a book on 
jurisprudence, or fill prescriptions in a pharmacy; 
nor do they seem to know even only the preliminary 
notions of true liberty and justice, essential to build 
up a great and righteous nation. 

It is acknowledged by all men, even by religious 
people of all creeds, that a scholastic course, consist- 
ing of writing, book-keeping, rules of fractions, and 
rules of interest and compound interest, is necessary 
in any civilized state; nor is the miportance of money 
denied or its value underestimated; but it is justly 
asserted that this alone cannot promote justice or 
public spirit. There are other things in this world, 
which, however, being far more necessary still to 
human existence than money or worldly riches, could 
not be given to a people as the main subject of their 
attention or study without accomplishing their ruin; 
and money is one of those very things that will suffi- 
ciently maintain a hold on man's affection with- 
out the aid of education and without the special 
policy of a government. Let it be remembered that 
Lycurgus, the great legislator of Sparta, perceiving 
the demoralizing effects of money depreciated its 
value by substituting iron for gold, as a commercial 
exchange; and by thus inspiring the Laceditmonians 
with disgust for it, ho surciHulod to stimulate and 
preserve their patriotism for many centuries. Yet, 



I 90 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

despite this wise legislation, some of their public men 
became so rapacious as to sell the interests of their 
country. Now, republicans, if individuals reared 
from their childhood under a system of education best 
calculated to inspire them with patriotism and 
fidelity become untrue to their trusts, what in the 
line of corruption can not be expected from others 
who are taught to consider the idea of money as their 
chief principle? Solon, Numa Pompilius, Confucius, 
Alfred, Louis IX, Henry IV, and also the legislators 
of the modern monarchies, although none of them 
adopted such extreme measures as the Spartan states- 
man, have succeeded to subject, at least in a great 
measure, the acquisition of riches to justice and even 
to public spirit. In the United States, almost all the 
people talk constantly of money, and worship mone}'. 
In Europe they make money, they are fond of money 
too, but, meanwhile, think and speak of something 
else. What sublime inspiration can arise from a 
system of education directing both mind and heait 
of man completely to the accumulation of riches and 
to extravagancies? How can it incite people to 
adhere to the principles of an ideal democracy, of a 
paradise on earth? Are the sentiments of greediness, 
of personal ambition, of jealousy and envy, which the 
strong desire of riches excites, consistent with 
brotherly love and civic virtue? It is not doubted that 
pupils of such schools be competent to preserve their 
own material interests; . but their education which 
has no restraining power over human nature can not 



ANCIENT AND MODERN I9I 

fortify them to resist temptation in their management 
of pubhc affairs, or control their passions, or the 
caprices of their will. Nothing is easier than one's 
self-government, when he can bear sway in all things ; 
but it is only in the task of conforming his will and his 
actions to other men's ideas and to the general in- 
terests of a community that his competency for it can 
be tested. 

Deprived of all moral lessons, what enjoyments can 
men contemplate but the pleasures which vices suggest 
and money can procure.'* If the acquisition of riches 
must be considered paramount to all other things, on 
what basis can the public educators hope that the 
citizens of the Commonwealth will be animated with 
disinterestedness and true patriotism, which is indis- 
pensable for the success and for the maintenance of 
democratic institutions? It is evident that a system 
of education excluding from it all moral doctrines, 
can not but insure the triumph of vices over virtue. 

In the beginning we have seen that mankind can be 
fairly divided into three classes, with regard to 
morals: — There are those who can alwavs lead a re- 
spectable life without severe laws or strong govern- 
ment; others, who always show a disposition to defy 
the established authority. Let it be now suj^posed 
that the former be most numerous, even in any re- 
public, that the great majority of republicans or 
democrats throughout the world exhibit by their be- 
havior the great amount of gc^od in mankind, and 
deserve much adulation to remain nu)i:ill\' intact under 



192 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

their free institutions. Nevertheless they must bear 
in mind that in addition to that incorrigible class, 
there is a large portion of people whose moral char- 
acter is formed by education; then, it is for the 
special improvement of this element of the population 
and for the protection of the entire communiU-, that 
a restraining school is wanted, even without regard to 
future life. And on this very point, it is intended to 
demonstrate the dangerous deficiency of the educatory 
system of a democracy, in any country, resting upon 
the ideas of such philosophers as Voltaire, Rousseau 
and Thomas Paine. Recognizing, as at the outset, that 
all nations are about alike regarding the main char- 
acteristics of mankind, we , will endeavor, with 
moderation, to point out the effects of bad educat- 
ion on some persons, whatever their nationality, 
and show that, had all the people depended on their 
schools and on their press, rather than on their 
nature, for good behavior, they would be false to 
their God, to their country and to themselves. 

Born for sovereignty, the democrat shows in his 
early youth his ability for license and for command. 
At the age of two or three years he insists on having 
hone}^ or syrup, or pie, the first thing at his meals, 
and exercises his royal prerogative by making all possi- 
ble noise at the table, in the parlor, in the study or in 
the music-room. Having reached the age of six, if 
his father or mother opposes his will in any case, he 
at once expressses his dissent, by saying: "You don't 
know an3'thing about it," or, "if 3'ou try that game on 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 1 93 

me you will get left," and by the use of another 
slang peremptorily reminds them of their own busi- 
ness. Then the parents, carried by exultation over 
his repartee and self-asserting bossism, exhibit their 
gratification at the bright prospects of their rising son. 
He commences early running about the streets and 
very soon acquires all the characteristics of excellent 
breeding. Who can swear, curse or use any profane 
language more than he? Destined to enjoy the 
precious privilege of insulting the president, the gov- 
ernors, the judges or any of the other magistrates of 
his country, he practices the rales of rudeness, nor 
is he very scrupulous in the choice of his expressions 
even when he addresses old age. 

It is well known that democracy practicall}^ lowers 
the standard of manners and usages, not only among 
children, but among grown people of any age, as we 
shall further see. The young democrat amazes every 
monarchist by his precocious knowledge of many 
things, which, for his own good he ought to ignore, 
and by ignoring much of what he ought to know. 
Having grown stiff through his first lessons on free- 
dom, he is unable to bow before an}' one. xVt the age 
of ten or twelve he is very apt to smoke and chew 
tobacco; he is making wonderful progress in the art 
of whistling, which he practices wherever he goes, 
to the delight of his parents, and to the entire indif- 
ference of the natives, Taui;ht b\- the precepts of hi,- 
education that money is the first principle on eaith. 
and can alone insure his happiness, pure niatoriah'sm 

13 



194 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

becomes his religion, the dollar is his god; and he is 
strongly inclined to prodigality and deviltr3\ How- 
ever, he is not bad at heart; he can be moved, and 
can shed tears at times from affection, sympathy, 
grief or repentance; he may be charitable, an amiable 
companion; he is, intrinsically, as good as a great 
many others of good behavior, and like a young plant 
he could be yet reformed under proper management. 
But bad education, which makes him obey the com- 
mand of his vices, often gives him the airs of a fero- 
cious barbarian, and some times leads him to ruin. 
At fifteen he endeavors to get money before knowing 
how to earn it, and shows dispositions for mere spec- 
ulative schemes, which he is likely to retain all his 
life; he may scratch his face with a razor or a knife 
to force a beard to grow before its natural time of 
maturity, in order to appear older than he really is, 
and adopts the manners of a man. From the age of 
eighteen he may lead a very fast life. As a sovereign, 
having no law or authority to obey, he commences 
ver}' early in life carrying arms to defend himself. 
It is not then very surprising that whenever His 
Majesty is but slightly offended by anyone, not being 
trained to control himself, and to forbear and forgive 
his fellow-citizen's faults he be too hasty to shoot, 
and even kill, sometimes, an innocent and harmless 
person, or one that might not deserve but a very light 
penalty. 

When he is asked: "Who or what protects you?" 
He cries out: "No one protects me, I am a demo- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 195 

crat, and can protect myself." He undoubtedly tells 
the truth in saying that no one protects him. When 
he adds: "I am a democrat and can protect myself," 
he exhibits his conceit and his pedantry, if he means 
that he is so competent for a free government, ttiat 
he needs no power over him, because his education, 
which has taught him to yield and yield promptly to 
the rule of his passions, was apt to render him the 
most incapable of all men for self-government. But 
he becomes extremely witty if he intends to convey 
the idea that in the absence of a government able to 
afford him protection, he is compelled to take care of 
himself. 

Like all others they have their large number of 
true friends, magnanimous and brave men, and also 
their cowards. The latter are most dangerous enemies. 
Having the constant habit of carrying concealed 
weapons, they take advantage of tlreir rivals by shoot- 
ing them on the least provocation, and sometimes in 
their back. Their use of the pistol or of the shot- 
gun for having redress, or executing their will, is 
carried by men of all classes who assign it to the 
strength of their nerves and to their intelligence. 

What a striking contrast in the usages and man- 
ners of nations ! When Germans or Frenchmen of 
good standing are seriously insulted, they generally 
resent the affront by challenging tlu^ offeniler to tight 
a duel; and if the lattiM- refns(>s to moot his opponent 
on the field of homn-. tlu> iiMttor is tlion dropped, fi>r 
they are not to kill aii\ one without gi\iug him a 



196 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

chance to defend himself, and exposing their own Hfe 
to danger. However, one at whom the gauntlet is 
thrown, finds himself confronted by a very vexatious 
dilemma; if he accepts the challenge he is considered 
as a criminal by law, and if he refuses to fight, he 
ranks in the minds of most people, among the cowards. 
This chivalric but vain and pedantic method of 
adjusting difficulties is censurable and irrational even 
from the only fact that the effusion of blood or death, 
in duels, can not amend any wrongs, nor convert a 
falsehood into truth, or truth into falsehood. Never- 
theless, it is far more respectable than shooting with- 
out warning. When duels are fought with pistols, 
these weapons are sometin^es loaded with nothing 
but powder; and in such cases, both of the belliger- 
ent parties survive their encounter to enjoy the en- 
viable reputation of intrepid combatants. 

The English or Canadian methods of having re- 
course to law in serious cases, is the most commend- 
able. Fistic combats among British and Canadian 
people are not of very rare occurrence, but none of 
them, except a few murderers, carries or thinks of 
using a pistol or any other dangerous weapon to 
avenge his honor, or secure redress, even from his 
worst enemies. Nor can it be denied that they rank 
among the most robust and brave men in the world. 

After many years of dissipation, gambling, betting 
on elections and horse races, through which our dem- 
ocratic sovereign may have spent a large fortune in- 
herited from his family, considering himself still a 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 197 

subject fit for conjugal felicity, he may enter into 
married life. But in many like cases, the wedding 
is soon followed by a separation or a decree of divorce 
obtained by the young wife on the ground of cruel 
treatment or other charges. 

In the United States of America, the best scholars 
owe their learning to their talents, or to their labori- 
ous studies, or to foreign schools, rather than to the 
educational establishments of the country. The 
American system is defective in two principal ways: 
First, it supposes the human mind more powerful 
than it really is, and secondly, both the professors 
and the pupils are anxious to get through the study 
of all things, with the rapidity of steam and elec- 
tricity. They unreasonably expect that in two or 
three years they are capable of acquiring a thorough 
knowledge of several important subjects, the mere 
elements of which require, in Europe, seven or eight 
years of arduous exertion from the student. Conse- 
quently, the brightest of them, some times, after 
going through a large mass of books of all sorts, know 
but very little more than reading, writing and arith- 
metic. 

What else can be expected from School-Boards 
elected by the people? Their members who ought 
to be men of the highest culture, are often compara- 
tively ignorant. 

That the wreckless conduct of a huge portion of 
men has incited, in a groat inoasuro. Iho women to 
look for their own interests is illustrated bv the 



198 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

following article expressing their opinion upon that 
subject through one of their chief leaders: 



AN ERA OF UNMARRIED WOMEN. 

(Chicago Tribune.) 

"Susan B. Anthony is of the opinion that we are 
on the verge of an era of unmarried women. Our 
civilization, she says, is changing. Daughters can not 
be supported at home, and there is nothing there to 
busy them. The women used to spin and weave, 
make carpets and soap, but now all that is done for 
them in the factories. Young men do not make 
enough money to support their wives, and there is 
such a craze for dissipation among them that the 
women would rather go into a store for almost noth- 
ing than to marry." 



WOMAN'S RIGHTS. 

Woman as well as man has a noble mission to ful- 
fill in this world. If man can philosophize, build up, 
command and conquer, woman can boast with like 
pride, of rearing the .philosopher, the conqueror, the 
ruler, and teaching them the first lessons of their ex- 
istence. She exerts, especially at a certain tim.e, a 
wonderful power upon her stronger companion in life. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 199 

• 

There is nothing that can be more serviceable or 
detrimental to man's moral development than the 
lessons or examples he receives at home in his early 
youth. These teachinsg will, in most cases, produce 
on his nature, impressions so strong, that they may 
remain characteristic in him after attaining his age of 
maturity. It is evident that upon the woman's prin- 
ciples of education and behavior largely depend the 
destinies of man and states alike. She can look with 
the highest degree of personal gratification at her son 
exalting himself in the path of equity and prosperity; 
and his growing success, which must partly be assigned 
to her love and her sacrifices for him, is the crown of 
her own life. Moreover, she has a just claim to the 
title of public benefactress in every well-ordered 
society. 

But what is more unnatural than the existence, 
and more deplorable than the constant increase, of 
that class of women, who, under the pretense of trans- 
cendent virtue, or of deep concern for the moral 
welfare of the country, denounce political and social 
abuses, and declare themselves the regenerators of 
men, the champions of public morality and the ad- 
vocates, not of woman's, but of man's rights, for their 
sex. It is unfortunately true that a great many men, 
especial!}' in democratic republics, arc in great need 
of a thorough reformat icMi. Yet, those philosophical 
women, those living \irtues, if thi^\- are ca[xible ol 
thinking for a monient, will perceive at ctnce, that 
not only men, but large numbers i>f Ihoii sisters, too. 



200 



GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 



need severe reprehension. Should they all cultivate 
in their children, (when they have any) principles of 
obedience, moderation, economy and good manners, 
they would not find as much necessity of reforming 
men as they do in our times. 

Girls are now receiving the same kind of education 
as boys. What is more ridiculous than that they 
should devote much time to the study of Geometry, 
Algebra, Trigonometry, Statics; and what use do 
they make of Medicine and Anatomy? 

They are taught at home principally to look pretty 
and attractive, dress extravagantly, and regard 
domestic work, not ^vith indifference, but with the 
utmost contempt. 

The daughters of people of scanty or moderate 
m.eans learn Book-keeping, Shorthand and Type- 
writing for securing positions in stores or in business 
offices, but it is said that their earnings are small, 
and half the time they are unemployed. 

The newspapers call the American girl the greatest 
of all modern creations. In what she excels English, 
Canadian, French, or other foreign girls, they say not; 
but they are constantly and indiscrimmately bestow- 
ing upon American women, regardless of the respec- 
tability of any class, the same terms of adulation only 
worthy of the most frivolous persons; they tell us 
how pretty, how fascinating they are; they' refer to 
their royal appearance and to their display of fine 
clothes, jewelry and diamonds, in public; but they 
stupidly omit telling us what they are good for. In 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 201 

defense of their honor, it may fairly be said, that the 
world, however, knows something about the intrinsic 
and excellent qualities, that are hidden under the veil 
of those perishable beauties, and, which, natural to 
their sex in all nations, have not, through their 
system of education, yet been but very imperfectly 
developed. 

There is nothing very surprising that girls, or women 
placed under such demoralizing influences should 
wander from the path of their natural avocation, 
to seek, under vain pretexts, notoriety and public ad- 
miration, and should, in their turn, largely contribute 
to that very relaxation of public morals for which 
they justly lament. How can it be denied that this 
social condition is partly owing to the woman's false 
ideas of independence and rights, and to their neglect- 
ing or renunciating those very duties which in reason 
and public decency devolve upon them, but which 
they boldly and proudly refuse to perform? 

It is hardly credible that men of even but little 
political knowledge would uphold such wrongs which 
some women are pleased to call their rights. How 
can they ever hope to improve their condition by car- 
rying the profession of politics, as this is one of the 
main causes of men's demoralization, under the Amer- 
ican Constitution? Tn presunn'ng that they could 
rescue, by means of the ballot, the free institutions of 
their country fi\)ni the marshes into \Nhich the votiui; 
and the elections of nuMi have plunged it, the\' arc 
wanderini; like that woman, who, haxiiig long suffoied 



202 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

from her husband's habitual drunkeness, would, at 
last, imitate his example by indulging too in the 
frequent use of intoxicating drinks, with a view to re- 
storing domestic happiness. In the first place they 
could not vote intelligently unless they should devote 
almost their whole time to the study of politics, and 
attend to public meetings and conventions; nor could 
they do so without neglecting their other imperative 
duties^ Let the advocates of women's suffrage say 
whether they would, on every occasion, vote on the 
side of their husbands, or whether they would some 
times, politically differ with them. In the former 
case their votes would be useless, because of their 
being controlled by others, and in the latter case the 
difference of ideas between men and wives would be- 
come fruitful of serious family troubles; besides, they 
would be incessantly involved in the compromising 
turmoils of cabal, intrigues and dissensions. More- 
over, women are not entitled to suffrage because they 
are not, mentall}^ and physically, constituted to lead 
masses. To their amiable qualities, attractions and 
perception are seldom united tenacity of purpose and 
reliable judgment. Had nature given them such 
powers and the rights they claim, they could not 
bear man under their present physical organization; 
therefore their political enfranchisement could not be 
but an enlarged source of mischief and vices in 
society. 

The advocates of man's rights for women, demand 
that they be allowed to rival men in all paths of life, 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 203 

alleging that nothing can prevent them, from em- 
bracing any study or profession, or even from doing 
any mechanical labor that has until now exclusively 
belonged to the man's domain. Educated to cherish 
an aversion for moderation, economy, conjugal ties, 
and their natural mission on earth, they are at a loss 
to determine or find that state of life which could 
bring them the most satisfaction and contentment. 
It may be that their fondness for traveling would 
render them famous explorers or geographers, or their 
liking for the streets would make them excellent city 
surveyors or inspectors. A great many are already 
assisting engineers and architects in drawing out 
plans for buildings, railroads and bridges, and filling 
positions in public offices, private offices, or as private 
secretaries. Some of them are barbers or keep 
shooting galleries for the public. But how would they 
look climbing up ladders to the top of buildings, of 
lofty towers or spires, or in the masts of ships, espec- 
ially in a raging storm, or diving to the bottom of 
the seas, or descending in coal mines, and in excava- 
tions for sewers, or going down rivers and rapids on 
rafts, exposed to damp and all the inclemencies of the 
seasons? Would such occupations be very consistent 
with the peculiarities of their sex, and how long could 
they resist their effects? Should they ever try all the 
experiments of man's lot in life, they might soon 
become reconciled with their fortune, and show bettor 
disposition to perform their natural duties. Besides 
fulfilling their nuiin obligations, what greater service 



i: 



204 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

could they render to their country, and what could 
more entitle them to their husband's affection than 
their improving the Cuisine? For they are no more 
skilled in the culinary art, than in that of governing. 
Moreover, nations can well afford to dispense with 
the wisdom of any political or progressive woman of 
the age. Public miCetings could be safely deprived of 
the agreeableness of their presence, or of the con- 
vincing charms of their oratory. Man alone is capa- 
ble of presiding over popular assemblies, of confront- 
ing the tumult of vast multitudes, and of leading in 
politics, and at the forum, as on the battle-fields, 
while the woman well deserves his protection, if she 
performs, quietly at home, her share of philanthropic 
work. 

Generally speaking, when a woman is attracting 
public attention, she is not, to say the least, produc- 
tive of any good to society. Her retirement from 
public life, her modest and prudent behavior, as a 
woman, a wife, and a mother, while endearing her 
to her family, her relatives and her friends, will 
do more to preserve the purity of social morals than 
anything else she could imagine, for she can no more 
regenerate man, after he has reached the age of man- 
hood, than she could correct the deformities of an 
old tree. The majority of that set of women, although 
married, bear no children, nor propose to be afflicted 
by the so-called burden of procreation. These re- 
formers will break men financially and involve them in 
civil or criminal law-suits, rather than break them 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 205 

out of their bad habits, as they aim chiefly at hvin^^ 
in a style of splendor and extravagance; nor are they 
fit for anything but spending all the money their hus- 
bands can bring home. Woe unto the men that 
encourage them in such pursuits! And may those 
women perceive their errors and adopt better princi- 
ples! As to their sex, the wants more felt, in this 
regime of material progress, instead of women- 
reformers, are, restrained girls, moderate women, 
more wives, and more excellent wives, more mothers, 
and more excellent mothers. 

The attention of all the leaders of woman's suffrage, 
and of all patriotic women, in the American republic, 
is especially called to the fact, that nothing can fur- 
nish a state more vigor and stability than the rearing 
of a large multitude of children. 

A virtuous woman, who respects herself, differs in 
appearances from those who care but for men's ad- 
miration, flatteries and parading on the streets, with 
painted faces, and loaded with jewelry and diamonds. 
If after a few years of married life nature has refused 
her children, and if she is still animated with zeal 
for man's welfare and public morals, she can not do 
better than adopting some poor orphan for whom to 
become a devoted and exemplary mother. In per- 
forming such acts of charity or the like, she \\oiild 
render society a far greater service than she couKl by 
discoursing on the political questions of the times, or 
preparing or attending a course of lectures on woman's 
suffrage, or man's rights. In raising the child of one 



206 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

of her sex, whose woes she wishes so much to allevi- 
ate, she would exhibit far more humane feeling than 
by bestowing her affection on a parrot, or a dog; or 
would act much more honorabl}' than by living in 
idleness, reading obscene or silly novels, or spending 
her time and money away from home, while her hus- 
band labors like a slave for the support of his famil}-. 
Let her consider whether she would not accomplish 
more success, in her noble endeavors, by rearing a 
man from childhood, than by attempting to reform 
one who has grown so old and so hardened in vices, 
that he lies beyond all hope of regeneracy. 

If a woman has the sole ambition of becoming the 
center of attraction in her family; if she is attentive 
to the moral education of her children, when her 
periods of natural disabilities are considered, she has 
enough to do at home without assuming the arduous 
task of looking into state affairs, for which, as a rule, 
she is not more fit than a man is for nursing babies. 
If she is devoted to her husband, and has no one to 
love but him; if she is willing to share his prosperity 
and his adversities alike, and in any state of fortune 
remains true and faithful to him; at last, if she has 
no aspiration, with regard to this world, but to pro- 
mote the incomparable advantages of domestic felicit}', 
she is fulfilhng her mission on earth in the most 
laudable manner, and wins the profound respect and 
the admiration of all sensible and fairl}^ disposed 
people. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 207 

DIVORCES. 

It is not alone the dissipation of boys and of men, 
the vices of politics, the agitation of women's rights, 
but the large number, and alarming increase of peti- 
tions for divorces, that illustrate the deplorable influ- 
ences exerted by the public schools, and the demo- 
cratic constitution of the republic, upon the character 
of society. The extreme facilities with which such 
decrees have been obtained, has filled the country 
with widows whose, one, two, three or four, hus- 
bands are still alive; and the same can be said of 
widowers. After a few years or even only a few 
months of married life, alleged incompatibility of 
character, a slight misdemeanor, or a mere caprice, 
may be considered a sufficient cause for separation. 
The trouble, at the outset, is that each of them 
wishes to govern, and neither of them wants to obey 
the other; nor do they know their reciprocal duties, 
despite all their pretensions to knowledge and good 
behavior, because they have not received sufficient 
n"ioral education. Obedience, the chief duty of man 
to his country, and of the woman to her husband, is 
held in contempt by them. And, right here, a very 
fair idea may be formed of the effects produced by 
the sentiments of millions of Sovereigns and as many 
Oueens, upon the moral condition c^f the country, 
when every onc^ of them attempts to enforce his own 
wi]l. Is tliis alono ncU suffuMcMit to show tho jnxMor- 
cncc of entire ignorance to bad education.'^ 



208 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

If either one wishes a divorce, and the other objects 
to it, or if both of them are wilhng to be separated, 
a ground for petition is soon made up to conform to 
the law, such as desertion, unjust treatment, infidelity, 
indignities, or meanness of any imaginable kind. They 
say: "If man and wife can not agree together, 
they had better be divorced;" but if a new contract of 
marriage were not anticipated following the decree 
of divorce, by either one, or both of the parties, there 
is but little doubt that married people, in the United 
States, would endeavor to live more harmoniously 
than they do. But to this hypothesis they respond, 
"We must obey the laws of Scriptures which command 
us to marry and multiply." They are all strictly law- 
abiding people whenever their will is suited. They 
'have less objection to the multiplication of marriages, 
than to progeny; and it is among them that we notice 
the few^est children. 

It is impossible to deny that moral education alone 
can enable the most of married persons to overpower 
their caprices, or their vicious propensities, which 
are the main causes of divorce scandals. 

Why is it that in Canada, in England, and in all 
monarchies of Europe, there are but few divorces, 
comparatively.'' Nevertheless, are there more mur- 
ders of husbands and wives, in an}- of those countries, 
than in the United States? Besides, foreign women 
are more noted for fecundity than those of the great 
republic; nor has the latter a higher title to chastity 
than any of the former countries. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 209 

The city of Chicago, the states of Indiana and 
South Dakota, offer people the greatest advantages 
for obtaining decrees of separation, and in conse- 
quence of this those places swarm with divorce 
seekers. Some lawyers are doing a very extensive 
business in that line; they even advertise it, as 
strictly confidential, promptly attended to, and 
speedily adjusted, with satisfaction guaranteed. Some 
of the office buildings are extremely accommodating 
to the public. On the one side of the hall they per- 
form the marriage ceremony, and on the other, they 
grant divorces. And immediately after the wedding, 
the couple are, sometimes, presented with business 
cards from a divorce lawyer. 

The next article from an American paper containing 
opinions regarding the ideas, the ways and the notions 
of a large number of girls and women in the American 
republic, shows how sophistical institutions can lead 
a people astray: 



WOMEN OF THE AGE. 

"Even Kate Field, who has in a measure stood 
sponsor for women in their struggle for public and 
intellectual recognition, joins in a cry too fretjucntly 
heard in disparagement of high sounding essays at 
summer college graduations. The question of the 
fitness of the college girls to be useful wives is raised 
in such way as to give thcni the worst of the implied 



2 10 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

answer. Such talk is surprising and unbecoming 
from Miss Field. The time for its indulgence is past. 
Women, young and old, are making a way for them- 
selves nowadays, and there are man}^ departments of 
college work eminently more suited to them than to 
their gentlemen rivals. Women suffer less physically 
from the extended college course than men do. The 
physical regime of the school is more in accordance 
with the intended routine of woman's life than that 
of a man's. No one has ever been able to prove 
satisfactorily that women of education make less 
desirable wives or less devoted mothers than those 
of very modest intellectual attainments. Even if this 
were true, it would have little influence upon the 
women of this age who have imbibed the spirit of 
glory winning, and are holding their own with men in 
some intellectual pursuits, following them closely in 
others, and surpassing them in a few. This spirit of 
the times is characterized by independence. To be in- 
dependent we must be informed. To be informed 
we must enter the list. Women have learned the 
lesson." 



SUFFRAGE. 

INEQUALITY OF FORTUNES. 

According to the republican and democratic press, 
the free and frequent exercise of the ballot, possesses 
very wonderful powers in promoting the cause of 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 21 I 

humanity. It is the most infaUible remedy prescribed 
by this political Esculapius to alleviate the woes and 
heal the wounds of the people inflicted upon them by 
the rule of despotism; it is most effective in raising 
all men from a state of ignorance, pauperism, degra- 
dation and servitude, to opulence, honor and felicity. 
Until about the year 1875, of all the civilized 
countries, the United States had justly been considered 
as the most favorable for all classes of workmen ; for 
no sooner had they landed on its shores than they 
found employment at good wages; nor were they but 
very seldom afterwards without occupation. This 
great advantage was assigned by the press to the wis- 
dom of their free institutions; and the emigrants from 
Europe newly emerged from social inferiority to find 
themselves placed on a political level with the 
natives, and elated by the bright prospects of im- 
proving their condition, were naturally disposed to 
corroborate the assertions of Americans imputing the 
poverty of the laboring elements of foreign countries 
to the rule of monarchies. Their free citizenship, 
which was to be for them a great source of revenue, 
and their contentment, did much then to influence 
certain classes in Europe to And still more fault, and 
clamor the louder against their respective govern- 
ments. 

But, only in the last twenty years, what revolution 
has taken place in the social condition of the American 
people, although their form of government has re- 
mained the same ! Are the working classes of the 



2 12 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

great republic as well satisfied with their means of 
support, and as much encouraged, now, by appear- 
ances, as they were before that time? Notwithstand- 
ing the immense resources of the country, and all the 
colossal fortunes which have been accumulated in 
that period, have the}^ not had occasion, not only 
to feel their hardship increased, but, to see themselves 
humbled and crushed under their institutions, of sup- 
posed equality, economy and benevolence? When 
we first pointed out the signs of that inequality of 
fortunes, which, though unforeseen by them until a 
few years ago, sprung up at last in the land of 
equality and freedom, the press ascribed this phenom- 
enon to the people's fault for neglecting their duties 
as voters, arguing that should suffrage be exercised 
by all men, it could maintain a perfect equilibrium in 
the social and political condition of their country. 

What have the artist, the scientist, the merchant 
and the mechanic gained by the frequent use of the 
ballot? The press in working up the loyalty of the 
people to its authority incessantly reminds them 
of the great principle of the American constitution 
which opens the state offices to all men alike. Is it 
possible that some future day those poor toilers will 
occupy a presidential, or a gubernatorial or a sena- 
torial, chair. May such hopes be realized b}^ every 
laborer in the land of the free! But what encourag- 
ing prospects, what refreshing expectations for those 
who have, till that time, to earn a scanty livelihood, 
and even that of a family, and could not subsist 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2 I 3 

unless he constantly contributes by hard labor to the 
wealth of other more fortunate democrats? Is it not 
cruel for him, amidst his tribulations and trials, to 
gaze at one chance in fifteen million, at something 
almost as impossible as anything can be? Let it be 
supposed yet that a few would occupy public posi- 
tions, what good would this do the masses that would 
stay out. How many farmers or workmen have 
filled state offices, even only those of constable, or 
valet, or impounder, since the American democracy 
was founded? If occasionally a workman should 
secure one, he could not hold it, no matter how 
honest and serviceable, and would be compelled to 
go back to farming or resuming the use of his tools, 
as the same principle that puts a rascal in office, re- 
moves a good man from it. In the United States, 
public offices are generally held by lawyers, or men 
who have no profession, no trade, by men who do 
not propose to work for a living, if they can subsist 
on the government, or so long as they can be carried 
through life by their wit or their cheek, or by hook 
or crook. 

Voltaire, Rousseau, Paine, Victor Hugo, and other 
republican writers, were so narrow-minded or so 
unfair as to see inequality of condition, poverty, and 
all vicissitudes of human life, but in monarchies. 
Practically, none of those whose names are mentioned 
knew anything of republics, as they never lived under 
them, except in the United States, at the outset of 
its free government, or in Switzerland, which, though 



2 14 GOVERNMENTS AND TOLITICIAXS, 

the}^ may have been fairl}' well governed, were too 
unimportant to be considered as subjects of political 
study for a great nation, 

Victor Hugo attempting in his work bearing the title 
of "The Man Who Laughs," to contrast the condition 
of classes in England at the time of King James the 
Second, enumerates the fortunes owned by Lords 
and other noble men of that country. At the outset, 
he says: "Consolations that ought to suffice for those 
that have nothing;" and he concludes the article thus: 
"Thus one hundred and seventy-two peers flourishing 
under James the Second possess among them in lump 
sum an annual revenue of twelve hundred and sevent}— 
two thousand pounds sterling, which is the eleventh 
part of the revenue of England." This amount 
equally divided would have given each of them a 
share of about seven thousand three hundred and 
ninety-five pounds, or thirty-six thousand nine hun- 
dred and twenty-five dollars. This result is very in- 
significant when compared with the income of a like 
number of Americans, every one of whom possesses 
a fortune equal to those of the one hundred and 
seventy-two English noblemen mentioned by Victor 
Hugo. And on the side of this incomparable amount 
of wealth, poverty and misery is rampant among a 
large class of free citizens, or democratic sovereigns. 
As the United States now exceeds England of two 
hundred years ago, by far, in population and in wealth 
it is natural that greater individual fortunes should 
be found in the former than in the latter; but the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2l5 

inequality of fortunes which has ah"eady been estab- 
lished in the republic is entirely inconsistent with its 
principles and its material resources. 

No democracy on earth has ever maintained or 
promoted, in any state, that equality of condition, 
among the people, which is one of its fundamental 
ideas. The Roman commonwealth, as we have seen 
broke down in the attempt to solve this question, 
and at that very stage of her growth, when the scarcity 
of land compelled the poorer classes to seek new 
countries. Other nations have had the same experi- 
ence; and the American republic, notwithstanding the 
vastness of its territory, has already felt the reaction 
of its material development and of its rapid increase 
of population which yet amounts only to eighteen per 
square mile. The American people now see the 
wealth of their country concentrating itself in the 
hands of a few individuals; the emigration to their 
shores is being considerably reduced; and the time 
may come when people shall be forced to emigrate 
from the United States seeking new lands to improve 
their condition; and this may occur long before the 
population of that country has reached the propor- 
tion of that of any European monarchy. 

Evidently, the press would have been more logical 
to attribute the social eciuaiity that reigned for a time 
in the democracy, to the primitive state of the 
country rather tlian to the wisdom of the free Con- 
stitution. The abundance of matciial resources 
combined with a wonderful force of foreign influences 



2l6 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

has, SO far, effected the rapid progress of the Ameri- 
can repubhc, but at last, its state of social inequality 
has been brought about by the same causes that have 
produced it in all other republics. That such condi- 
tion should exist in old populous nations, whatever 
their respective form of government, must be expected 
and is perfectly consistent with the course of human 
events. But why, in a new territory of vast extent 
and of a comparatively small population, yielding im- 
mense crops and possessing other advantages of a like 
magnitude, which we have already noticed, such 
extremes of poverty and wealth should have so soon 
arisen, can only be explained by the fact that its gov- 
ernment has been administered for the interest of a 
few individuals comparatively, "rather than for the 
masses, despite all its elections and the rights of all 
men to vote. 

Are the workmen more respected in the United 
States than in Europe.^ How often and how many 
of them are ever invited to state balls, or admitted 
to receptions at the White House or at the state 
mansions? If they wish to find how they stand 
socially with the rich, let them attempt to visit their 
palatial residences, and they are soon snubbed by 
those same families whose fortunes they have promo- 
ted by their votes and b}' the sweat of their brow. 
There is now, in the American commonwealth, a 
rising aristocracy, which has but lately emerged from 
democracy, without the least foreign influence. Those 
aristocrats can not be justly compared with the pie- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2\'] 

beians of ancient Rome, who, having distinguished 
themselves by their mihtary services in its wars of 
conquest became the associates of the patrician order. 
Their greatness is con:iputed, not by their patriotism, 
but merely by their riches. They form a monied 
autocracy. Some of those fortunate democrats born, 
raised and educated under the Stars and Stripes, have 
becom.e so adverse to democratic ideas and to the 
manners of Americans, that they spend most of their 
time in Europe with their families, in search of more 
fashionable people, and nobility. Nothing shall be 
said of those who are disposed to buy for their 
daughters, at fabulous sums, titles of nobility, which 
adorn even woithless men. What is more honora- 
ble in the minds of rich republicans, than nobility, 
even if it is a little disgraced. 

The deplorable manner in which plain and honest 
old Roman democracy came at last to be regarded in 
all republics of by-gone ages, has been already well 
introduced in the land of freedom, notwithstanding 
the frequency of the ballot in this country. The 
rich is noticed by the press, when he is born, when 
he weds, and when he dies; but no attention is paid 
to the poor, except when he is accused, or hung. 

Despite all that has come to pass, a portion 
of the press has retained the same attitude, with 
regard to suffrage, and is, even now, more silly and 
more contemptible than ever heretofore. When 
large numbers of workmen, thrown out of employ- 
ment, clamor for food; when famihes, in the several 



2l8 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

cities, live in a state of most abject povert3^ and see 
nothing but death to put an end to their sorrows and 
miseries, while being surrounded with the most 
opulent individuals of the world, the press says: 
"They brought their woes upon themselves, why 
should they suffer from destitution, when they have 
at their disposal the ballot box to redress their griev- 
ances and ameliorate their condition?" What relief 
is the suffrage to that mother prostrated by grief and 
sickness, or driven to desperation by the cries of her 
hungr}' little ones, depending on democratic or repub- 
lican legislation for fuel, or food or medicine? 

If mobs destroy property, or if bands of desperate 
men plunder and murder, whether they be incited by 
want or a natural disposition to perpetrate diabolical 
deeds, the press exclaims: "It is almost incredible 
that citizens of the greatest and proudest republic of 
the earth could commit such horrible crimes," 

If monopolists, the chosen people of both the press 
and the government, who live in the most extrava- 
gant splendor, express any apprehensions of danger 
for their property, in times of riot, the sympathetic 
press cries out: "If all good men should give more 
attention to politics they would be better protected." 

The truth of the case is: no people could ever 
govern themselves under any form of government, 
unless their country be so small and their number so 
insignificant that all men could meet at any time and 
vote on all measures regarding public interests; but 
as every one would have to devote his whole time to 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2]() 

the government, he would soon find himself without 
any interests to protect. The "government by the 
people" was an impossibility even in the early times of 
the Greek republics. The declaration of war, we have 
seen, was the only question the masses were called to 
decide upon. As the government must be carried by 
only a few men, it is evident that in all republics and 
especially in democracies, while it deals exclusively 
with money matters, it is considered by a large ele- 
ment of the population as a market of speculative 
schemes, an auction sale of public interests. 

Although the Americans pretend, more than any 
other nation, to have "a government by the people," 
it will easily be seen that they have much less to do 
with legislation or the administering of public affairs 
than the nations existing under constitutional or lim- 
ited monarchies, and that even the most absolute 
potentates afford their subjects a far better rule than 
the so-called "government of the people, by the peo- 
ple, for the people." 

Candidates for public offices, throughout the United 
States, are nominated and elected by the influence 
of a few political bosses, already alluded to, who, 
though they keep out of the government, do the gov- 
erning; while the so-called sovereign people do the 
voting. The frequency of elections and the adminis- 
tering of public affairs seem to be mere pretexts for 
distributing patronage and appointments to favorites. 
These things are called plums, and these plums draw 
water to the mouths of millions of sovereigns, many 



220 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

of whom are no longer partisans or patriots from the 
moment they fail to secure them. The people pass 
through their broiling periods of elections to find 
themselves without a government, and this is true 
of the national, state and municipal politics alike; the 
successful party has a president, or a governor, or a 
mayor, but the people have no head. 

When political institutions are administered -only 
for revenue and for private interests, how can the 
masses, and especially the laboring classes, expect 
justice from them ? Nor have the people any just 
ground to censure their capitalists for having accumu- 
lated millions upon millions, by wrecks or other like 
unscrupulous methods. It is their own govern- 
ment and themselves they have to blame for giving 
them such opportunities. If their millionaires are 
wolves, what name must we give the people, for al- 
lowing themselves to be thus cajoled and robbed, 
while the bonnet of libert}' is pulled over their eyse? 

Whenever the Amrican toilers are brought into 
parallel with those of Europe, as to their respective 
condition some people say: W'hy is it, if, in the old 
countries, the laboring elements are as prosperous as 
in our republic, that they are so often deprived - of 
meat? Americans! it is natural enough that the poor 
classes of those countries can not feed much on meat, 
for it is one of their rarest things. But what is won- 
derfully amazing is that with all your abundance of 
produce of all kinds, which suffices for almost all the 
nations of the world, so many persons are found, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 22 1 

constantly, in your democracy, on the verge of star- 
vation. Of all the civilized countries, the United 
States of America offers the world the most serious 
theme of study in political economy, when its real 
wealth and the smallness of its population are con- 
sidered. The great republic whose all wisdom and 
success consists but in her vast quantity of wheat, 
corn, meat and the like; the great republic which 
seems to perceive a lack of brains or of political 
knowledge in nations less fortunate than herself in 
material resources, refutes the ideas of Victor Hugo 
and ether like writers, that Miserables are seen but 
in monarchies, and in republics all the people live 
in the most luxurious style. All her cities now swarm 
with beggars of all characters, in good or bad health, 
robust or weak, having the perfect use of their arms 
and limbs, or crippled, with faces swollen up by 
hquor, or pale from hunger. At any hour of the day 
or night they stop people on the streets, calling every 
one: "Captain, Major, Judge, can I talk to you? I 
am hungry and without shelter, will you give me ten 
cents for a loaf of bread or for lodging? Have you 
some old clothes, an old pair of shoes for me? The 
winter is upon us, the snow is falling, I am almost 
naked, look at my feet !" . 

The streets are overrun by women and girls richly 
or poorly dressed, rivaling the ordinary prostitutes 
waiting in houses, by offering men their services for 
a little money, not always for their own support or 
that of children onh', but to pro\idc for .1 trio con- 



222 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

sisting of a dog, a parrot, and a monkey, or for a 
bankrupt politician, once prosperous, but defeated in 
the last elections. 

While the workman finds no alternate course but 
incessant hard labor and starvation, he must be satis- 
fied with his standing on a footing of equality with the 
rich on election days, and consider himself amply 
paid by the honor of his falling into line, with his 
ragged clothes, on his way to the polls in company 
with w^ealth and luxury. Now, let the most enthusi- 
astic admirers of Paine, and of Victor Hugo, say 
whether they deem voting in the great republic, "A 
sufficient consolation for those that have nothing." 
Can "The Man Who Laughs" see anything more 
laughable than the political dreams of those sarcastic 
but illogical, individuals? Voting in the American 
republic is only worthy of the most commonplace 
comparison! It resembles that patent solution of 
Mulberry Sellers- intended to cure eight hundred 
million sore eyes in r\sia; there are "millions in it," 
but not for workmen, or the masses of the people. 
In the land of the free, a few individuals have the 
right to laugh; but on the other hand, avast number 
ought to weep. 

"Mulberry Sellers is the principal character of an American comedy 
bearing his name. He acts the part of Boomer, in many enterprises, 
over which he is very enthusiastic. He establishes sites for large 
cities in prairies or in woods, and advertises none but corner 
lots for sale. His most wonderful money-making scheme is the dis- 
covery of a solution for the eyes; and relying on the sore eyes of the 
Asiatic people for the sale of his article he exclaims: ''There are mil- 
lions in it!" 



i 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 223 

NOBILITY. 

It is the transcendent merit of man which once 
gave birth to titles of nobility. Nor can the noblest 
of all nobles but acknowledge that nobility lies no- 
where but in the character. The qualities constitu- 
ting it are simply recognized and proclaimed by a 
state or by a people when they bestow upon any one 
a mark of high distinction or a political privilege. 
Thus originated royalty. The first rulers of all 
dynasties have been promoted to power for their great 
deeds; they had distinguished themselves by their 
courage, by their virtues or by their genius. Such 
were Nimrod, Ninus, Semiramis in Ancient Assyria, 
Romulus, in Rome, Meroveh, Charlemagne, Alfred, 
Rurik and Henry IV. in modern Europe. In battles, 
nobles were such individuals as Duguesclin, Bayard, 
the Duke of Wellington, Ney, Ponsonby and Cam- 
bronne. 

Hereditary nobility is legitimate enough, even if 
the descendants have not fully inherited the charac- 
teristics of their ancestors, were it only to honor their 
memory. But they are unworthy of it who are 
entirely opposed to them in character. 

Nobility is often considered inconsistent witli re- 
publicanism and only related to monarchy. This is an 
error. The ancient monarchy of Egypt had no 
nobility except its royal family. The Roman Empire 
was established by the Plebeian Party, that had 
vanquished the republicans, constituting the nobility 



224 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

of Rome; and they were nobles who murdered Caesar. 
Most of the repubhcs have been noted for their aris- 
tocratic or privileged classes. In the transitory 
period from the feudal to the modern times, royalty 
in Europe has carried on war against the noblesse and 
triumphed over it. The policy of absolutism has 
always been to place all the people on the same level 
and has obtained more success even in this than any 
democracy. At all times many republicans have ex- 
ercised (-heir freedom in seeking after titles of nobility; 
and in the American republic, although free from such 
influences, some people as they grow rich, show a 
natural liking for those honors. Nevertheless, true 
nobles beg for no titles; and to republics as well as 
to monarchies, that class of men belong. They 
were such characters as Aristides, in x\ncient Athens; 
Fabricius, in Rome; George Washington, Abraham 
Lincoln, James A. Garfield, in America. Nor were 
less noble than these, thousands of others, among 
whom Ulysses Grant and Andrew Johnson can be 
cited ; the former in his magnanimous conduct towards 
the vanquished, at Appomatox, and the latter, for 
having illustrated the indomitable courage of his 
political convictions, in favor of a people whom he 
had helped to subdue. 



\ 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 225 

ASPIRATIONS OF DEMOCRATS TO TITLES 
OF NOBILITY, AND LINES OF DIS- 
TINCTION IN SOCIETY. 

It is interesting to notice some republicans boasting 
of noble birth, or distinguished and wealthy ancestors. 
With all their pretensions they should only be re- 
membered or looked upon with the utmost contempt 
for claiming the same titles and honors which they 
always publicly oppose and deny to all men, in prin- 
ciple. Even American educators are often greatly 
attracted by foreign marks of distinction among people; 
nor do they refrain from drawing the lines between 
classes in the land of freedom and equality. They 
perceive in the American republic three orders of 
society: The aristocracy, or the wealthy class, com- 
posed of people partly educated and partly ignorant; 
the middle class, comprising those of easy circum- 
stances, and the laboring element, designated as 
'low' class. 

The following articles of American papers are 
fair specimens of the ideas of distinction, false pride, 
and vanity, that pervade the American democracy, 
and show what enthusiastic admiration its wealthier 
classes have for all that which is aristocratical and 
royal. 

EULALIA AWED BY AMERICAN WOMEN. 

(From the New York World. ^ 

"Mr. W. Mc — ^'^, who was present at tlie dinner 

j^iven by Mr. W. R to the Infanta en last Thurs- 

1-) 



2 26 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

day night, says that it was a very brilliant affair. 

"The Infanta," he said, "was rather awed by the 
beauty of our women, their distinguished manners 
and their superb dressing and display of jewels. It 
was the first time she had come in contact with New 
York elegant women. They impressed her very 
forcibly, and she repeatedly exclaimed, 'What grandes 
dames these are ! Vv^hat a beautiful creature Mrs. 

A is, and how distinguished looking!' She was 

particularly struck with the grace and beauty of the 
young girls. The dinner itself marked an epoch in 
the social history of New York. The very best and 
most representative elements of society were brought 
together at the same board. Up to that time the 
Infanta had mixed only svith the multitude. She had 
been associated with a great mass and with all grades 
of society at the various receptions and theatre parties 
she had attended. Now, however, she knows that 
New York City has a society equal to any on earth. 
The members of this society could meet her on equal 
footing. They were not obliged to bow and bend 
the knee, as did the persons who had previously come 
in contact with her. She has expressed an earnest 
wish to visit Newport, the abode of America's aris- 
tocrac}^ and will probably go there immediately after 
her return from Chicago. She sails from this country 
on June 24th, at the request of the Queen Regent of 
Spain, in order to be present as the official represen- 
tative of her country at the marriage of the Duke of 
York to the Princess iMay of Teek," 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 22/ 

Mr. Editor of the New York World, will you ex- 
plain how certain elements of society in New York 
City can, consistently with the principles of the 
American Constitution, be superior to the masses of 
its population? Tell us, further, why so many 
democratic sovereigns were obliged to bow and 
bend the knee before royalty, in this land 
of freedom and equality. Are all the members of 
your select society equal in moral and intellectual 
developement, to the Princess Eulalia, and even only 
to a vast number of the multitude? Are not a great 
many of them simply noted for their riches? 



AMERICANS AND THEIR CRESTS. 

ONLY TV\^ENTY-FOUR RECOGNIZED AS HAVING THEM 
ACCORDING TO ENGLISH RECORDS. 

(New York World.) 

"A new and revised edition has just been published 
of ' Fairbairn's Book of Crests of the Families of 
Great Britain and Ireland'. This is a complete and 
authoritative collection of crests and mottoes of 
families not included in 'Burke's Peerage' and 
'Burke's Landed Gentry.' It will be found to pos- 
sess a peculiar interest for Americans because it con- 
tains the names of a number of American families. 
The number is very sinall. however, but that fact 
does not take from the intorost. 

"The following is a list of American uanios printed 



228 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

in the book. It should be an object of genuine 
curiosity, and speaks for itself to those persons who 
are instructed in American genealogy: 

(The names are here omitted.) 

"These families, with one conspicuous exception are 
not of the first social eminence. Many of them are 
recognized as old families, but several, on the other 
hand, are not. Some thousands of Americans are 
using crests and in this book only twenty-four are 
mentioned. It would be interesting to know what 
rule was followed in the selection of them. Perhaps 
only those Americans who have paid fees for register- 
ing their crests at the Herald's college are mentioned." 



AMERICAN WOMEN AND ENGLISH TITLES. 
(Prof. Thomas Davidson in the Forum.) 

"If the effect of English popular literature upon the 
young men of America is injurious, rendering them 
unpatriotic and contemptible, its effect upon the young 
women is even more so. The extent of this injury it 
would be almost impossible to overestimate. For 
many of them the novel drawn pictures of English 
social life, wherein every one bows down to birth and 
title, and lords and high born ladies are spoken of 
as if they were divinities whose recognition and favor 
were the chief prizes of life, are utterly demoralizing, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 229 

inspiring them with an impatient contempt for the 
siinpHcity of American society, in which personal 
worth and charm can make them queens, and with a 
a longing to enter, even as humble suppliants, the 
enchanted circle where birth and title rule, and where 
personal worth hides behind a mask. Women thus 
demoralized become utterly unfit to be American 
wives and mothers. The chief eFort is to shape 
their lives on the English model; if they are poor, 
toadying to the rich and would-be aristocratic; if 
they are rich, playing the arrogant English duchess 
to the best of their ability. Not a few of them even 
render themselves contemptible to men and gods by 
toadying or buying (at what a price sometimes !) their 
way into English aristocratic circles, by shivering at- 
tendance for hours at royal receptions, in order to do 
obeisance to what their country has nobly repudia- 
ted; or worse than all, by buying husbands, renounc- 
ing their birthright of freedom and equality with the 
best, and sinking down into subjects, liable to be 
called on to act as "ladies in waiting," that is, as 
chambermaids. If all the sacrifices which degenerate 
American fathers and mothers have made to buy 
titled husbands for their daughters were recorded, 
they would form a revelation so ignominious that it 
would not be believed; and, after such a revelation, 
patriotic Americans would hardly dare to look 
foreigners in the face. But even without such a reve- 
lation the conduct of many of our countrywomen 
abroad, and especially in England, is enough to make 



230 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

every self-respecting American hide his head for 
shame." 



THE ORIGIN OF THE AMERICAN" PEOPLE. 

The editors of the American press, in order to 
claim for their people the best characteristics of man- 
kind, allege that they descend from all the nations of 
the earth. But, at other times, they make them- 
selves ridiculous in the eyes of the world by pretend- 
ing to be exclusively of Anglo-Saxon origin. In the 
latter case they resemble those persons, who, con- 
scious of their guilt, always attempt to justify them- 
selves before being accused. They are well aware 
that not only their statements are false, but there 
exists in the veins of the nation, many mixtures of 
blood which those educators seem to despise. How 
can the Americans be of Anglo-Saxon origin when 
the English people themselves are not entirely from 
that stock.'' Despite this fact, some men claim that 
ancestry to which the English are generally supposed 
to be mostly related, simply because the coveted rep- 
utation of their descending from the people, who, of 
all the races contributing in the greatest measure to 
the existence of Americans, are the wealthiest and 
the proudest, flatters their vanity and conceit. 

The most reliable sources of information on this 
subject, teach us that the English nation has been 
constituted by the fusion of many nationalities. The 



ANCIKNT AND MODERN 23 I 

first inhabitants of England and Wales were from 
Belgic Gaul, from the West of France and from the 
North of Spain. The Saxons, the Jutes, the Angles 
and the Norsemen came in afterwards. The Norman 
conquest brought to that country emigrants of various 
origins from the European continent. This influx 
was followed by the arrival of a vast multitude of 
Flemings at the time of the wars of Stephen, and in 
the reign of Edward III; and during the period of 
the political and religious wars in Europe, the Ger- 
mans, the Dutch, and the French, have immigrated 
in large numbers into England. Peoples descending 
from the Anglo-Saxon race, like others of Teutonic 
origin have a fair complexion and blue eyes; but a 
great many English people are of a brown color; 
and German, Dutch, French, Italian and Spanish 
names are common among them. 

The earliest immigrants from England to America 
were no more Anglo-Saxon than other English people; 
and after receiving their first settlements from that 
country, the population of the American republic 
became composed of many million descendants from 
German origin, but ver}^ little Saxon; of several 
million Irish and Scotch people, and many millions 
of others, comprehending Swedes and Norwegians, 
Danes, Spaniards, Italians, French-Canadians, Jews, 
Poles, Austrians, Belgians, Dutch, and Chinese. To 
this incomparable mixture a population of eight 
milhon negroes must be added. It is tlierob\- clearly 
demonstrated that the American people, in their 



232 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

complex state, are far more related to the African, 
or to the Irish, or to the German, than to the Anglo- 
Saxon, race. The English language is also consider- 
ably mixed; and most of its words foreign to the 
Saxon, have been drawn fom the Greek and the 
Latin, through the medium of the French language. 
A large number of French words have been, in the 
last two centuries, introduced into the English tongue 
without even the change of a letter. In reading the 
works of Gibbon, Hume, Macauley and other Eng- 
lish modern writers, a Frenchman recognizes in them 
a considerable portion of his own language, which, 
indeed, has rendered those writings equal in clearness 
and elegance, to any French literary production. 



NATURALIZED CITIZENS. 

Almost all naturalized citizens, and even a vast 
multitude of natives, whose parents were of foreign 
birth, retain their original nationality to which they 
cling most devotedly. This feeling in the United 
States is but the effect of its political system. The 
electoral contests and the competition for public 
offices, in producing racial prejudices, can not fail to 
keep nationalities apart. It may be argued that tins 
is owing to the infancy of the country and will be 
obliterated by age. Nevertheless, the prospects for 
fusion of even only the white nationalities, into one, 
have been greatl}' diminished by the events of the 



ANCIENT AND MDDILRN 233 

past years. Not only the foreigners, but the Americans 
themselves, who once were the most liberal of all 
men, are becoming extremely clannish. For a long 
time to come, even should immigration into the 
United States stop entirely, there will be the Amer- 
icans, the Jews, the negroes, the Swedes, the Irish 
and the Germans; and the three latter nationalities, 
especially, will continue to grow in importance, pro- 
vided they keep clinging to their old principles. 

The Italians, the English, the French and the 
Jews, are scarce seen in political positions, because 
none of these are strong enough to exercise sufficient 
influence in politics. The elements of the population 
that furnish the great army of professional politicians 
and office holders, are: The American born citizens, 
the Irish and the Germans. 

The Swedes and the Germans are mostly employed 
in tilling the soil, principally in the Northern and 
Western states. The natives seem adverse to the cult- 
ure of land and to the practical knowledge of mechan- 
ical trades, although they are considerably engaged 
in them, or in any branch of industry and commerce. 
They are more fond of banking, of real estate trans- 
actions, of mining, of trust offices, and of railroads, 
and principally of the trains that travel on them. 
They are the best railroad men in the countrv, be- 
cause of all things on earth, they like best that which 
moves the fastest. Nothing can go quick enough tor 
them. They have lately announced that locomotives. 
on some of their roads will soon travel at the speed 



2 34 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

of a hundred miles an hour, but it is questionable 
whether they will then be satisfied as to the velocity 
of their traveling. Rapid motion, in all cases, is the 
strongest and the weakest points of Americans, and 
is one of the main causes of their material success, 
and of their frequent reverses. The more swift the 
motion of a body, the greater its friction, and con- 
sequently, the sooner comes its ruin. 

The Jews are chiefiy engaged in commerce and 
control at least one half of men's clothing trade. 
Like the Irish, they are found in proportionately large 
numbers in the most prosperous cities of the countr}'. 

When the Americans earnestly commenced inviting 
immigration to their countr}', by proclaiming through 
the world the advantages offered by their democratic 
institutions, the Irish were prompt to respond to the 
call. It was in 1847 ^^at they began to emigrate in 
large numbers, and in 1880, more than two millions 
of them, had, in that period, sought refuge in the 
United States. They left their native country, not 
without emotional effusion, but the single thought of 
their parting, forever, with their landlords, soon dried 
their tears. 

That they have wonderfully availed themselves of 
their opportunities, in their adopted countr}', is rec- 
ognized by all nationalities, even by themselves. 
With very few exceptions, emerged from a state of 
abject poverty and political insignificance, the Irish 
landed on the Western shore of the Atlantic, to find 
themselves with the reins of the government in their 
hands, and on the road to fortune. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 235 

Their tongue, which, being the national language 
of the republic, gave them, in the beginning, a decided 
advantage over most of other foreign races, and their 
remarkable activity combined with craftiness and 
sagacity, have rendered them the most powerful 
element of. the population in the country's politics. 
In the Northern, Eastern and Western states, they 
occupy more than one half of the public offices. They 
control most of the municipal governments, in the 
principal cities, and many state legislatures. They 
even exert considerable influence in the federal gov- 
ernment. 

Yet, it is outside of .politics that the Irish 
have attained the eminence of their success. Their 
thriftiness, their laborious dispositions, and their 
indefatigable energies, have been equal to the require- 
ments of the country's development. At first they 
took the pick-ax and the shovel. They dug out, 
and prepared the ground for all those tremendous 
cities and railroads; they filled up the ravines and 
valleys, and removed mounds of earth and mountains 
of rock, to clear the way for the advance of civiliza- 
tion. Not only have they furnished the most of the 
hard labor, but they have embraced all branches of 
commerce, all the mechanical trades and professions. 
A large number of noted and rich contractors, of emi- 
nent lawyers and jurists, of learned doctors and s'^illed 
surgeons, are found among them. Most of the Irish 
are now in good financial condition; and a great 
many of them are as wealthy as the Lords of ICngland, 



236 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

whom they rival in social and political influence, and 
b}' the splendor of their living and the palatial style 
of their residences. 

To the Irish, principally, are the Americans in- 
debted, for their power of -eloquence and fluency of 
speech. To the Irish and the Germans are, in a 
great measure, attributed the victories of the Northern 
•over the Southern armies, in the last American con- 
flict, and also the maintenance of the Union. To 
the religious devotion of foreign women, the soldiers, 
Protestant and Catholic alike, greatly owed their re- 
lief from sickness, the treatment or the cure of their 
ivounds, on the fields of battle. 

There are, in the United States, in all nationalities, 
perhaps with the exception of the Jews and the Irish, 
a vast multitude of persons dissatisfied with their lot. 
After toiling in that country for more than thirty 
years, and leading a laborious and moderate life, the}^ 
have nothing, and attribute their poverty to the polit- 
ical state of the country. They acknowledge that 
they could have fared much better in their native 
land, and would return to it, were they still young. 
But, after such a long absence, upon the prospect of 
finding themselves foreigners in their native country, 
and of being compelled to start again in business, 
amid insurmountable difficulties, in old age, they 
reconcile themselves with the ills they have and live 
in hope of ameliorating their condition, until they die. 



ANCIENT ADN MODERN 237 

FAMILIARITIES ON SHORT ACQUAINTANCE. 

The American approaches every one, talks to every 
one; and the tone or humorism with which he often 
addresses persons that are entire strangers to hirn 
can make any one suppose that he had had a long 
acquaintance with them. But, only a short time 
after this, he may not notice them any more than if 
he had never seen them heretofore. Any individual 
can approach him with the same ease and comfort, 
and talk to him about money, elections, horses and 
pugilists, or other subjects, and ignore him at the 
next meeting without wounding his feelings. It is 
in such cases that he apparently differs the most 
from the Englishman, the Frenchman, or any other 
European. Those foreigners are far more cautious 
than Americans with regard to parties whom they 
come in contact with; but, if they are more judicious 
in forming acquaintances, their friendship may be also 
the more substantial and more durable. 

The Americans addressing a stranger may say: 
"Captain what do you think of all those fellows that 
are registering some fraudulent names on the voting 
list? Some of them, don't you know, are dead men's 
names. Those democrats or republicans are not satis- 
fied with voting early and often, but, they want dead 
citizens and citizens that never lived, to vote. too. 
And in addition to all that, if they are not closely 
watched, they will stuff the balk^t boxes at election 
times. Have you ever heard of snrh trirk-^, or such 



238 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

frauds, in a free country? It is not honest, it is un- 
American. I tell you, my friend, those other politi- 
cians, in the city council, must be careful about 
giving to bosses franchises for street railways, or 
passing ordinances for boulevards, or parks, or water- 
works. I cannot believe that they all go to public 
offices for their health, or for the public good. If 
we discover their mean tricks, the}^ shall soon have 
a rope to their neck. You must remember that some 
time ago, the mayor vetoed a thirty year's franchise; 
and if the councilmen had voted it over that veto, 
they would have been hung; the ropes were ready for 
them. You know, we have the finest government on 
God's green earth, but we became tired waiting for 
redress from the law-courts against criminals; the 
people had to take the law in their own hands, and 
I believe in the government of the people." 



THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
SHAKING HANDS. 

One of the most trying and most cruel treatments 
which any mortal can endure on earth is experienced 
by every president of the United States in his occa- 
sional visits through various parts of the republic. 
In several places the Chief Magistrate holds public 
receptions at which every individual has the right to 
pass in front of him and shake hands with him. 
Some tia:ies as many as twenty thousand sovereigns 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 239 

engaged themselves in such performance, very comi- 
cal, indeed, in a way, but extremely sad in another. 
Every one in the procession has an easy task to per- 
form, having to deal with one person only ; but, now, 
think of the poor President, and if you have any feel- 
ing for suffering humanity, you must consider him, in 
such cases, as an object of deep compassion. What 
more severe punishment could be inflicted upon a 
human being, than that he should be pulled and 
shaken by so many people, and should handle so 
many hands, white hands and black hands, clean 
hands, dirty hands, diseased hands, all kinds of hands, 
and still go through this ordeal with an appearance 
of profound sincerity and brotherly love, and with a 
broad smile of joy from the outset continually main- 
tained to the end of the ceremony, while he feels 
almost as much tortured as if he were running the old 
military gauntlet. Although no fault can be found 
with a ruler for recognizing, on certain occasions, any 
decent individual in his country, whether he be a 
scientist, an opulent capitalist, or a tiller of the soil, 
or a laborer, the proper method for him to shake 
hands with his people and all of them, is to do so 
through their representatives 



240 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

REFUTATION OF THE ASSERTIONS OF 
THOMAS PAINE, VICTOR HUGO, AND 
THE PRESS, AS TO THE ESTAB- 
LISHMENT OF STANDING 
ARMIES. 

One of the most daring falsehoods that were ever 
pubhshed by republican writers, such as Thomas 
Paine, Victor Hugo, and the press, is that standing 
armies were exclusivel}' monarchial institutions. 
That so ridiculous an assertion should be accepted 
by a great many people with apparent credence, is 
almost incredible, and shows only how easily they 
can be led astray, and held in ignorance and preju- 
dices. It is true that armies were first established 
and employed by monarchies, and for the ver}' reason 
that monarchies were the first governments that 
were founded. But the ancient republics followed 
their examples, nor have they performed any great 
achievements except by force of arms. When the 
Greek republics were not engaged in foreign wars 
they were fighting one another. In the Roman 
Commonwealth, the military power was the main 
strength of the nation, and the disciphne of troops 
was carried even far more rigidly, than afterwards, 
under the imperial rule. Their conquests had been 
almost entirely achieved, when Augustus was pro- 
claimed emperor. Carthage maintained a tremen- 
dous navy and a powerful army to preserve her com- 
mercial supremacy and the integrity of her territory. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 241 

The Italian, the English, and the French, republics 
have had recourse to armies, not only to repel foreign 
invasion, but to subdue or conquer. Why is it that 
republican France keeps a more formidable army 
now than was ever maintained by her kings or empe- 
rors? It is because, she has found through costly 
experiments, that she could not be safe without it. 
That great standing armies, are, in the European 
countries, indispensable whether they be republics 
or monarchies, must be acknowledged. There are 
so many nations of large population and of compar- 
atively small territory, that it is reasonable that they 
should fear each other, and consequently should always 
be ready for war, to protect their national existence 
or other material interests respectively. 

The absence of a large army, at present, in the 
United States of America, must be attributed, not to 
its political wisdom, but merely to the nature of cir- 
cumstances in which the country is placed. The 
truth of it is; the Americans have no need of such an 
army, because they are too powerful both in popula- 
tion and in other material resources to fear their 
neighbors; they have already more population than 
their republic can decently govern, and their territory 
is large and rich enough to make a nation of, at 
least, four hundred million inhabitants. But, it would 
be another thing, if in place of Canada and Mexico, 
they had on their sides such n.-Uicuis as Ciorniany, 
France, England and Kussia, or if they wore not sep- 
arated from Asia antl Europe by tremendous oceans. 

1(5 



242 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

It is not doubted, that, were the American republic 
situated like an}' of those countries, it would be also 
a military power. Notwithstanding their advanta- 
geous position, they find it necessary to keep troops; 
however so small their army, it is as large as is re- 
quired and will grow with the population, if not to 
repel foreign invasion, at least to protect society 
against the attacks of its free citizens. Besides 
regular troops, there are in almost every American 
city regiments of militia, organized for safety. 
The republic is now building a powerful navy, and 
is about to assume a foreign policy. The time may 
consequently soon arrive when Americans shall cease 
boasting that any citizen in the land of the free can 
alwa\"s do as he pleases, that he can live in the 
countrv or leave it; they mav soon or late commence 
appealing to the patriotism and martial spirit of men, 
and remind them, that their first duties being to their 
country, if not to God, they can not leave it, until 
they shall have served their time in the military ser- 
vice, or exposed their lives in battles. 

But the American and the French republicans sa}-: 
"If all countries were republics, their governments 
would be so moderate, so just, and so economical, 
and the people would be animated b_v such a brotherly 
love, that nations, having no n:iutual fears, would entire- 
ly dispense with armies." Nothing is more erroneous' 
than this. Such assertion, like all others of their own 
make regarding politics, is completely without proof. 
Where can they find arguments to support it .^ Is it 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 243 

in Greece, where the repubHcs carried wars of jeal- 
ousy and greediness against each other, and were 
saved, for a time, by a monarchy, from mutual exter- 
mination? Is it in the republics of Rome and Car- 
thage that fought against one another for upwards of 
forty years, and ended their terrible conflict only 
after the latter was completely and forever wiped 
out of existence? 

If republicans talk about the boundless ambition of 
ancient and modern monarchies in making conquests, 
let them compare the ancient monarchies with the 
ancient republics, and the modern monarchies with 
the modern republics; and upon fair comparison, it 
will be found th:it they all were possessed with the 
same feeling of covetousness. England has acquired 
her principal colonies in the last century and a half, 
and her ambition for conquest was from her people 
rather than from her kings. And it is also true that 
republicans have had more recourse to the force of 
arms to seize the power, than any king; Marius and 
Sulla in Rome, Napoleon in France and many others, 
prove this. 

In the ancient times and even in the middle ages 
all conquests generally remained in possession of the 
conquerors; their slaves were the prisoners of war; 
and this state of slavery has been carried by all the 
ancient republics, as well as the monarchies of Egypt, 
Assyria and Persia. 

The modern, like the ancient, republics, are 
no more actuated by mutual love than the mon- 



2 44 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

archies. Have not the Southern repubhcs waged 
war against each other? Has not the United States 
carried war against Mexico? It matters not whetlier 
its declaration in eitlier case, emanated from a disa- 
greement about a boundary hne, or from a violation 
of international laws, or from any other cause; no 
government goes to war for its pleasures, or without 
good motive or cause, or without pretexts. What 
can be said about the American Civil Conflict? Did 
it prove much brotherly love? On the contrary, the 
course of human events, in all nations, shows that 
monarchy is far more favorable to peace, than repub- 
lics. Enough has been observed in both of these 
forms of governments to convince us, that, should a 
universal republic ever be established, it could not be j 

but the beginning of the end of the world, nor could .S 
mankind perish from a sadder cause than that not 
only nations, but individuals, in their respective 
countries, should massacre one another. 

Let all republicans remind themselves, at last, 
with the indisputable fact that under all forms of 
government, justice is executed by the sword. Not 
only does it become a necessar}' instrument to pro- 
tect a nation against foreign invasion, or against its 
own upheavals, but to enforce the laws against crimes, 
to arrest suspected or accused persons, and to pro- 
tect sheriff's sales or any legal seizure of property. 
One constable armed by the state is the beginning of 
an army, and that army grows according to the wants 
of the people, to uphold the executive power which 



^ 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 245 

is confided either to a king or to a president. 
The proposition often entertained that a tribunal 
of international justice should be established to pre- 
vent wars by adjusting amicably all difficulties arising 
between nations, is in appearance, very benevolent, 
but extremely chimerical in reality. However, this 
is no modern invention. Numa Pompilius, the second 
king of Rome, founded a tribunal of this kind; but 
Tullus Hostilius, his successor, demolished it. King 
Henry IV. of France, had for a time similar views, 
but he was compelled to declare war himself. 



MURDERS OF KINGS AND PRESIDENTS. 

Americans often allude to the murders of kings. 
In reading the history of nations, one may naturally 
be struck by the frequent occurrence of such events. 
But he must bear in mind that there have been more 
monarchies than republics, and the number of kings 
assassinated which may seem to him great because 
it comes to his observation in a few hours or a few 
days rea!ding, is comparatively small, as it covers a 
period of at least four thousand years. Murders of all 
kinds have always been more frequent in republics 
than in monarchies, in proportion of their term of 
existence and of their population respectively. 
Although, in this case as in every other, the repub- 
licans or democrats see nothing but wrong on the 
monarchial side, and perfection on their own, there 



246 " GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

have been in less than thirty years more presidents 
murdered in the United States, than kings in all the 
European countries combined. 

It is observeable that in all republics of a developed 
state, the people have shown their dispositions to 
destroy and kill, and their inabilities to build up. 
And if the American republic should be an exception 
to this rule when it is ripe enough to repeat the scenes 
of its political ancestors, a miraculous change shall 
have taken place in the nature of its people, no 
matter how educated the}' may be, unless they shall 
soon adopt a stronger form of government. 

The murderers of Ccesar, the executioners of 
Charles the First of England, of Louis the XVI, of 
France and his family, have stained with blood the 
standard of republicanism, and shall, forever, contrast 
the benevolence of monarchial governments to which 
hypocrites and ferocious malefactors, under the mask 
of philanthropy, owed at last, their own salvation. 



AMERICAN CITIZENS IN MILITARY PARADES 
AND IN SOCIAL PARTIES. 

Notwithstanding all that has been said against 
American manners, it must be acknowledged that 
there are among them a large portion of well behaved 
and well mannered people, and in this respect, the 
women are far superior to men. Americans do not 
all eat with the knife, or always with the fork in their 



ANCIENT AND -MODERN 247 

right hand; they do not all handle a drinking cup or 
a glass by its upper edge, or by putting their fingers 
in it, as do most of their waiters in hotels and restau- 
rants. They do not all disgust their neighbors by 
expectorating or picking their nose or their teeth, or 
cutting or cleaning their finger-nails or scratching 
their heads. But nearly all those who knov/ as much 
as their corresponding class in Europe about good 
manners, are faulty in one thing; then extreme care 
in following rules, and their fear to violate them, gives 
them that air of stiffness, from which, even the Eng- 
lish people, who are not the most graceful in the 
world, are free. Americans are easy when they 
ought to look stiff, and stiff when they ought to be 
graceful and easy. On certain days, companies of 
militia or citizen soldiers may be seen going to, or 
coming from, a parade exercise. Instead of assuming 
a martial aspect, they all go as they please; every 
one walks at a pace to suit himself; they smoke 
cigars, or chew, or carry canes or umbrellas; they 
talk and laugh, and some times stop to eat candy, 
cakes and ice-cream. What is more comical than to 
see a soldier carrying an umbrella, or eating candy 
and ice-cream ? In the evening of the same day 
these men can be seen at a ball in full dress and as 
stiff as the royal guards of London, or the Hussars 
of Berlin; they walk to a line and turn exactly at 
right angles; they can hardly open their mouth, move 
their head, or their eyes, and otherwise act as if they 
were under the strict orders of the colonel of a regi- 



248 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ment. At the table every one tries to accompany the 
motions of his lady friend, and they all seem to at- 
tempt to handle knife and fork sinidltaneously and as 
systematically as soldiers in line fix bayonets in 
rifles. 



FRIVOLITIES. HORSES AND RACES, ETC. 

In the United States, the most highly prized ani- 
mals are the trotters, and fast trotters are far more 
honored than some good men. Alluding to servants, 
their bosses often say: "Mack, Pat, Jack, Bob, is 
taking his grub;" but, when speaking about trotters, 
they are far more particular in the tone and in the 
choice of their expressions; they respectfully say: 
"Maud S., Jay-Eye-See, Saint Julian, Nancy Hanks, 
is breakfasting, dining, supping." 

The driver of a trotter considers himself a highly 
professional man, and places himself in the rank of 
barristers, doctors, scientists and artists; and he is 
recognized by a large portion of the people worthy 
of his pretensions or aspirations, if he only wins races. 
He never talks of anything but horses, sulky, wheels 
and spokes, or race tracks. 

Becoming, at times, very enthusiastic over his 
wonderful achievements in his professional career, 
for the advancement of mankind, he exclaims ex- 
citedly; "People talk about progress all over the 
world; but my dear friend, let me ask you: in what 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 249 

country can you find horse trainers equal to our own? 
The speed which our horses have developed is one oi 
the greatest wonders of modern times, and is owin^^, 
not only to the eminent qualities of our stock, but to 
the superiority of our intelligence, as a people. You 
know, good breeding and good education are for all 
animals what they are for men; now, look at us, and 
look at our trotters. About seventy-five years ago, 
or a little after we had secured our independence, our 
trotters could not go faster than a mile in 2.50; but 
since that time their speed has kept pace with Ameri- 
can civilization, and the phenomenal growth of the 
nation. Nancy Hanks has trotted lately in 2.04; 
and the time will soon come when our horses will 
split the earth in two, in less than two minutes. And 
notice now; it is not only in educating horses that 
we beat the world; there are many other proofs to 
show that we stand, at least, a hundred years in ad- 
vance of Europe for progress. Our four-wheeled 
buggy is the most elegant and the lightest vehicle on 
earth, except our sulky, which weighs less than fifty 
pounds, and is one of the sweetest things in existence. 
(This epithet, "sweet" is applied by Americans to 
everything that suits their fancy or looks pretty.) 
What in the world shows a gentleman to better ad- 
vantage, than his sitting behind a fast trotter, going 
easy at a 2.20 gait on a fine road?" 

To the assertion made by another driver that a 
certain horse trotted his mile in 2.16, he replied: ''I 
know better than that; the time was but 2.15 3-^ 



250 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

you know one quarter of a second makes considera- 
ble difference in a race and in the price of a horse. 
After a long controversy upon this subject, the matter 
was referred to records for decision. 

One day, an amateur of trotters was so sad and 
downcast coming on a race track towards the judge's 
stand, that he could not have presented a more piti- 
ful appearance, had he lost one of his relatives or 
his best friend. "What is the matter with you, Cap- 
tain ?" some one asked him. "What is the matter 
with me, don't you know that Harry Wilkes is dead?" 
"Well I don't know any gentleman of that name." 
"I don't mean a man, I mean the son of that cele- 
brated trotter that went in less than 2.16." 

There is nothing good for a people in fast trotting, 
and the bad influences which this frivolous and ex- 
travagant sort of amusement has exerted over the 
Americans can hardly be estimated. It has wrecked 
thousands of men, both financially and morally, and 
has turned the minds of a great many to gambling and 
other vices. It is another thing with the galloper 
for although this horse is like the trotter, an object 
of considerable expenditure and gambling, it is well 
adapted to both usefulness and pleasure alike. The 
trotter is a fastidious dude, he can not travel but on 
a very level, soft and smooth road; but the galloper 
goes every where still faster than him, over fences, and 
streams, on smooth or rough roads, up hill and down 
hill, across the plain and through the forest. The 
galloper is a hunter, and a hero; he goes to war, and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 25 I 

stimulates by his action the prowess of men, and is 
driven by the bravest and most chivalric knight; he 
charges against artillery and bayonets, wins battles, 
promotes the glory of nations and decides the fate of 
empires. 

Nothing can more illustrate the frivolous disposi- 
tions of the people, than their converting every game 
into a business affair, or prizing so highly such things 
as base-ball, billiards, and even pugilism. Their 
giving of prizes amounting to $40,000 or more to a 
champion pugilist, suffices to indicate their boundless 
extravagances. 

Frivolities of all kinds are encouraged by the press, 
as seen by the following lines of one of the leading 
papers of the country. 



THE AMERICAN GIRL ABROAD. 

SHE IS THE MOST CHARMINCx CREATURE ON ALL 
THE EUROPEAN CONTINENT. 

(New York Sun ) 

"One of the certain and constant satisfactions of 
Americans traveling abroad is the American woman, 
distinguishable everywhere, known as an American 
woman everywhere, and admired as is no other pro- 
duct of what Europeans are pleased to regard as the 
barbarism on the other side of the Atlantic. How 
they are able to keep up the idea of America as bar- 



252 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

baric with the joyous presence of the American girl 
so often before them is a mystery that no one can 
solve. 

"There used to be a fallacy abroad in the world that 
only many generations of wealth, power and culture 
could give a woman certain graces of feature, form 
and carriage. As these graces never did exist among 
European women of the lower classes, who are so 
busy at plowing and reaping and at draught horse 
work of various kinds, it is no wonder that the fallacy 
existed. But American women have changed all this. 
There is a romantic notion that princesses and 
duchesses and the like are generally most aristocratic 
to behold. It is akin to the other idea that great 
men are necessarily great to look at. As a matter 
of fact, which we all know now, a high-born woman is 
just as likely to have huge feet and hands, an angular 
form and ugly and insignificant features as any one 
else. But they were wont to urge, granted that 
nature makes no distinctions in favor of long ancestry, 
still the high-born woman has the grand air, the im- 
pression and confident serenity of manner, which the 
lowly born can not hope to imitate. And this has 
held on much longer than the other fallacy, because 
it rested upon an intangible something which people 
are fond of seeing in the high-born of earth, whether 
it exists or not. But the American women have 
proved this. None of us on this side of the water 
can lay much claim to ancient and lofty ancestry. 
The Pilgrim Fathers and the settlers at Jamestown, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 253 

the pioneers of tlie border and all the original and 
pure Americans were simple, honest people, who had 
simple, honest virtues, and were brave and strong 
and self-reliant without any props from ancestors cr 
without any great hope of fame. And it is the 
daughters and granddaughters of these people, said 
daughters and granddaughters being the first of their 
race to have the advantages of the civilization that 
is supposed to refine and make culture, who have 
gone over to Europe to see what they could see." 



LEGISLATIVE AND JUDICIAL BRANCHES. 

In the great republic, all the judges, except those 
of the federal courts, are elected by the people for a 
number of years varying according to their orders and 
regulations of localities. Most of them, uncertain of 
holding their position longer than one term, notwith- 
standing their virtues and eminent abilities, must ex- 
pect that, in the near future, unless they shall repre- 
sent a constituency in a legislative assembly, or be 
promoted to governorship or senatorship, they shall 
be compelled to withdraw from the public the aid of 
their wisdom and valuable services. In advanced 
and even old age they may have to resume the prac- 
tice of law and perform the arehious task of building 
up a clientele, or embrace some speculative occupa- 
tion, unworthy of their touted tlignity, for securing a 
livelihood, if they be not tnovidcd with sufficient 



2 54 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

means of support. Can we respect a principle which 
removes from office, without just cause, a venerable 
and profound magistrate or jurist, and is apt, mean- 
time, to elevate a mean and worthless individual to 
that exalted position? The republic, in making the 
judges, like most other judiciary officials depend on 
the popular vote for their promotion, and in limiting 
their term of office respectively, renders their interests 
far more identical with those of politicians and law- 
yers, than with the good of the people. It is as 
natural for them as for others to feel themselves 
deeply interested in their own welfare, and guard 
against the rigors of fortune. Although we can not 
deny that the majority of American judges are incor- 
ruptible, it is not doubted, however, that, considering 
their circumstances, their opportunities, and the 
democratic ingratitude that confronts upright public 
servants in their country, a great many of them may 
not alwa3^s act as righteously, in their official capacity, 
as they would, if they were to occupy their post of 
honor permanently. To protect themselves against 
the reverses and risks afforded by the speculative 
strife of politics, they may contribute to the corruptive 
influences of the republic their full measure of vice or 
abuse by subordinating justice to their own aggran- 
dizement. To accomplish this purpose what can pre- 
vent them from playing into the hands of the court 
officials and lawyers, to advance the prosperity of 
both the legal and political professions, that are so 
intimately connected.'* Nothing is easier than to in- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 255 

crease the difficulties and complications ot legal pro- 
cedure for promoting litigation and increasing public 
expense. At all events, to the eligibility of judges 
must be partly attributed the relaxation of justice. 

It is evident, at the outset, that the nation's judi- 
ciary system does not function in harmony with the 
constitution, according to its additional Article VI. 
"In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy 
the rights to a speedy and public trial, by an impar- 
tial jury of the state and district wherein the crime 
shall have been committed, which district shall have 
been previously ascertained by law, and to be in- 
formed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to 
be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have 
compulsory processes for obtaining witnesses in his 
favor and to have the assistance of counsel for his 
defense." The article which is very precise in com- 
position, and full of law, enjoyment and man's rights, 
has been, like most of the others, taken in substance, 
from British legal procedure, and has always been 
admirably carried into effect by the Crown throughout 
the empire. But, in the United States of America, 
this Constitutional principle is very frequently a 
failure. Although, in theory, it seems intended to 
correct a monarchial defect, by providing the accused 
with the means of promptly ascertaining the fate 
that awaits him, or relieving himself from a most 
cruel suspense, its application, under the dcmocratical 
rule produces, in most cases, results ontireh' contrary 
to that provision. It allows him to enjoy the rights 



256 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

to a slow and long trial and delays giving him, 
meanwhile, far better chances to escape punishment, 
if guilty, and continue terrorizing society, than under 
any other form of government. In this country, as 
well as in all others, they are always prompt in pros- 
ecuting criminals or accused parties, if it be only for 
a plausible excuse of spending the public money. 
They will travel over the whole world to hunt them 
up. But, after having brought them back home, they 
are extremely slow in meting out justice to them ; their 
trials may not be instituted until a year or two after 
their arrest, and the authorities may trilie with out- 
laws a long time after they have been tried and con- 
demned before their case is finally decided upon, 
especially when these prisoners have a great deal of 
money at their disposal. Very frequently, a criminal 
case, which, if it were tried in any of the European 
countries or in Canada, would consume but a few 
days or a few hours, to the entire satisfaction of all 
litigant parties, may, in the United States of America, 
occupy the courts many weeks or mv^nths, involving 
thereby the useless expense of tremendous sums of 
money. 

No sooner has a verdict been rendered against any 
prisoner, than his counsel moves for a new trial, gen- 
erally alleging erring of the court in conducting the 
case or instructing the jury, and often bringing tech- 
nicalities or mere quibbles as ground for his m.otipn. 
The time for hearing the argument is set, sometimes 
postponed from week to week, heard at last, and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 257 

taken into consideration by the court for days or 
months. If the motion is refused, the case is imme- 
diately brought up to the supreme court of the state, 
in which the trial was held, and sometimes to the 
United States Supreme Court, which often reverses 
the judgment of the lower court and orderb a new 
trial to be instituted on what seems in the opinion of 
most intelligent people, and would be almost always 
considered by all the courts of well-governed countries, 
entirely immaterial, or, a mere trifle. In the period 
that elapses from this decision to the second trial, 
new evidence favorable to the accused may be man- 
ufactured, and some of the state witnesses may dis- 
appear by death or otherwise, or contradict their first 
testimony; consequently, he, who, in the former case 
was declared a demon, is in the latter proved to be 
of immaculate conception; and it is a murdered inno- 
cent person that is found guilty of assault with intent 
to kill. It is very natural for any accused to do the 
utmost in his power to clear himself from charges 
against him; and his counsel, too, is expected to use 
his best endeavors to secure his client's freedom or 
save his life. But, meanwhile, public security de- 
mands that those privileges be not much abused, and 
the judges and the jury are supposed to be the true 
and impartial arbitrators between the state and the 
prisoner. Some accused persons, after being tried 
and sentenced, three, or four, or five, or six, or even 
seven, times, still are granted a new trial, and liber- 
ated at last. But, if they were rich at the time of 

17 



258 GOVERNMENTS AND TOLITICIANS, 

their arrest, they may be, now, entirely ruined. It 
is the prevailing opinion, very freely expressed that, 
in a great many cases money redeems criminals from 
penalties. Although there have been, in the United 
States, a large number of rich men guilty of murder 
in the first degree, not one of them has ever suffered 
the death penalty, or served a long term of im- 
prisonment. From time to time, in all parts of this 
great land of equality and freedom, a laboring man, 
the dearest object of modern republican or democratic 
affection, after enjoying the right to a speedy and 
public trial, as provided by the American Constitu- 
tion, is gently raised from the lowest state of poverty 
to the scaffold, and launched into eternity. 

The insanity dodge, in criminal cases, is said to be 
considerably practiced, by which men very sound in 
mind are cleared from the accusation of murder or 
rape. After their acquittal they may be formally sent 
to some insane asylum, but they are soon set at 
liberty, on the ground of their having recovered 
reason; and as they are very apt to re-enter their 
criminal profession, a repetition of such offenses is 
called "Relapse of insanity." 

Money or demagogism may exert as much power in 
the civil as in the criminal courts. How can a peo- 
ple bring down upon themselves more injustice than 
by subjecting their destinies to the designs of profes- 
sional politicians, acting the parts of champions of 
justice principally to promote their individual 
interests.^ We can easily perceive the trying position 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 259 

• 

of a judge, when presiding over an important civil 
suit, in which, for example, some influential news- 
paper company, or a rich and large corporation, 
employing a large number of voters, or a powerful 
leader in politics, is one of the litigant parties. 
Without much discussion, we can conclude that a 
judge, to attempt at securing his reelection, may use 
this opportunity of gaining or retaining the influence 
of the press, which is the most powerful machine in 
American politics, or the good will of other influential 
parties, that can procure him votes for the coming 
election. Some large and rich corporations, being 
constantly more or less engaged in law-suits, always 
make it a point of business to seek the friendship of 
judges, of state, or county or city attorneys, and to 
ascertain even as soon as their respective candidacies 
are announced, what the dispositions of these individ- 
uals towards their own private institutions will be, 
in case they shall be elected. Is it very surprising 
then that a judge sometimes will strongly favor, in 
conducting a case, or in giving instructions to a jury, 
the party that is the more faulty in justice or in law? 
It is further observed that some judges for political 
purposes, also, more particularly in cases tried with- 
out juries, often appear disposed to please both liti- 
gant parties in compromising suits; for example, 
they may award the plaintiff judgment tor only one 
half of the sum sued for, when the entire amount has 
been well proven. 

In this republic, the frequency of elections, the 



260 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

bitterness of political struggles, the increase of legis- 
lation beyond the requirements of the nation; the 
licentious liberties of speech and of the press, the 
numerous petitions for decrees of divorce, the lack 
of conservatism and the fickleness of the people, the 
difficulties originating from their loose ways of trans- 
acting business, their carelessness and extravagancies, 
and the rapid growth of vices and crimes, have pro- 
duced such a vast amount of litigation throughout the 
country that Law itself has become a burden bearing 
heavily on the nation. A great many business men 
being compelled to attend the law-courts much of 
their time as witnesses or jurors or experts, have long 
ago commenced finding fault with what they regard 
as an imposition, or the infliction of a great loss upon 
them; and their complaints have already given rise 
to a class of professional jurors. 

It is often observed that juries have no respect for 
the courts; discarding evidence, and instructions of 
judges, they decide cases according to their fancies, 
their like or dislike, or prejudices, or public sentiment. 

In violation of all rules of justice and decency, it is 
customary for a great many law3^ers, especially in 
cross-questioning witnesses, to harass or confuse their 
minds with a rapid series of questions, which the 
coolest and brightest men can not always at once 
answer with satisfaction and justice to the case. 
The truth of the matter is; questions are always easy, 
but answers are some times dif^cult. Witnesses, 
and even woiiiun among them, are impelled by the 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN , 26 1 

courts of the American democracy to submit to such 
tyrannical abuses. As lawyers have ample time to 
prepare their cases and propound their questions, so 
should witnesses be permitted at least to breathe, and 
breathe with ease, in giving their answers. 

Moreover what is to be thought of a judicial system, 
under which, many of its officials and judges, who 
are supposed to set the first examples of austerity 
and order, spend much of their time in liquor saloons, 
or in free lunch establishments, drinking, telling 
stories, or playing cards with political bummers? 

Hardly anything is more erroneous than that, in the 
American republic, suffrage is the basis of the gov- 
ernment. Legislation, if not the most difficult, is the 
first duty that any political institution has to perform ; 
and in no country is the ballot less binding or of less 
avail upon the acts of its legislators than in the United 
States. The courts of laws are not submitted to the 
powers of Congress or of state legislatures, as in the 
old constitutional monarchies. But while the Amer- 
ican people devote more time and spend more money 
for elections than any other nation on earth, the 
results of their legislators' deliberations and discus- 
sions can be declared null and void by the federal 
courts, for being unconstitutional. Now, if the Amer- 
ican Constitution is so difficult a document to under- 
stand or explain, that no one can do so but a few 
inspired minds in the nation, why is it that the laws 
are not submitted to their decision, before they are 
enacted, or, at least, before the legislatures close? 



262 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

But there are so many legislatures, so many legisla- 
tors, and so many laws passed, that such practice, 
would be perhaps, impossible. At any rate, they 
blindly insert in the statute books, laws, that may, 
for any indefinite period, lead the minds astray; as 
their validity is never tested before a suit is brought 
regarding them, by citizens, before a federal court. 
If the state law is found to conflict with the Consti- 
tution, it is rejected; and some times a special elec- 
tion is held simply to subtitute another in its place, 
which, still, may be unconstitutional. 

But politicians will say: "It is chiefl}' for guarding 
the people against any errors of judgment, or any pos- 
sible attempts of their legislators enacting unconsti- 
tutional laws that the federal courts have been estab- 
lished." This, not only shows the lack of wisdom in 
the political organization of the country, but sets the 
Constitution in contradiction with its fundamental 
principle, by telling the people in plain language that 
they can not be trusted for government. This mon- 
strous defect is productive of serious and constant 
troubles and difficulties, and of tremendous expense 
which they bear most loyally, while it is of immense 
benefit to the more favored classes of the democracy. 
However, there is nothing surprising about such re- 
sults, when it is known that the difference of opinions 
between North and South as to the meaning of the 
Constitution of the United States, regarding State 
Rights, brought their civil war. The legal or oracu- 
lar minds of the country explain the Constitution, but 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 263 

the North and the South, every state, every city, and 
myriads of individuals seem attempting to act arbi- 
trarily, whether or not they violate it. 

It is not alone in their failure to agree upon the 
spirit and the meaning of the Constitution that the 
masses exhibit their shortcomings, but principally in 
their continuing to suffer so much tyranny and so 
many abuses from an institution whose equivocal prin- 
ciples have cost them already an ocean of blood and 
a vast amount of treasure. The unconstitutionality 
of state laws is not approved of, but the political 
Constitution of the country, in its complex state, is 
denounced for subjecting the masses to the arbitrary 
decision of a few individuals. When a law is passed, 
whatever may be the political organization of the 
nation, it should remain in force till the people are 
pleased to repeal it. In all constitutional monarchies, 
the law-courts, the king, and the entire nation must 
obey the decrees of legislative assemblies, which are 
elected by the people. It is therefore evident that 
under those governments the masses have much more 
to do with the administration of public affairs than 
in the land of supposed equality and liberty, though 
in this republic there are more legislators and more 
voting. 

We do not observe, in any of the American law- 
courts, that impressive decorum, that awe-inspiring 
dignity, so morally effective in tribunals of justice, 
especially upon persons calletl to testify, and so 
sacredly maintained in the European countries and 



264 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Canada. Some of the spectators are allowed to enjoy 
the liberty of disgusting others with tobacco chewing, 
and constant expectorating as they do on railroad 
cars, on steamers, in hotels and all other public 
places. The floors in some of the court rooms have 
received so many coats of saturation of tobacco juice 
that their material has become imperceptible; and 
consequently, the atmosphere in those quarters is far 
more sickening than that in the stables of their cele- 
brated trotters or race horses, for which they seem to 
have the most profound respect. The judge, before 
or after sessions, and during recesses, may join the 
multitude and give or take the weed, and light his 
cigar. Some men wear no coat, no vest, lean back 
on their chairs, while resting their feet on tables, in 
front of the presiding judge, and holding tooth-picks 
in their mouth. The audience very frequently, is 
allowed to applaud at, or express its disapprobation 
of, speeches, or verdicts, by wild demonstrations. 

In the land of the free the courts of justice are 
often the theatres of scandals, and even of terrible 
scenes. The prisoner is sometimes allowed to inter- 
rupt the proceedings of the trial, and to give orders 
to the court; he may threaten to thrash or even shoot 
any one that will dare to villify his character either 
by testifying or arguing against him. He pretends 
to be a gentleman, and wants the court and every 
one to understand that distinctly, and respect him, 
as they wish themselves to be respected. There are 
frequent exciting tilts between the judges and lawyers, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 265 

in which very abusive language is used by the latter. 
Moreover, if the judge attempts to enforce the rules of 
the court, some lawyers may surname him Despot 
or Caesar, and if he is not very exacting about every 
trifle, he is in their mind, deprived of stamina or 
back bone. They some times tell him there is a sal- 
vation for the bar, as the next election shall relieve 
them from his rule; and both the judge and the jury 
may be hissed at by the audience. The suspension of 
a lawyer or of a shyster is of very rare occurrence, 
although there is often good ground for it, except, 
perhaps, in the federal courts, where a little more 
respect prevails than in the others. If judges and 
lawyers quarrel, we can easily imagine what fre- 
quently transpires between two rival pleaders engaged 
in a hotly contested case, presided over by a judge 
who can not command respect. They often fight, and 
even draw out pistols, and would shoot, should not 
the spectators interfere and disarm them. However 
shooting affrays and murders often occur in the 
courts; court houses have been declared in state of 
siege, and troops have been called to maintain order, 
as at Milo's trial for the killing of Clodius, in the 
time of Cicero, under the Roman democracy. 

Notwithstanding they have already a great many 
more laws than they can enforce, they are constantly 
heard saying: "They ought to pass a law about this 
and about that." It is not new laws that are needed, 
but the enforcement of the good old ones that came 
from the European monarchies. When the people 



266 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

commence enquiring wh}^ laws are not better executed, 
and seriously search the cause of their legislative and 
judiciary shortcomings, there may be a beginning of 
light. Politicians must show their constituents pre- 
texts for exercising their profession and intellectual 
powers as legislators; in consequence of this, no other 
people on earth are as much annoyed by useless or 
stupid legislation as the Americans. Laws are enacted 
against the smoking of cigarettes, with a view to pro- 
tect young men's health and brains; but the .boys 
who have acquired bad habits from their earliest youth 
continue to smoke them. Laws are passed against 
women wearing tights on the stage, but repealed as 
soon as the people find themselves deprived of a 
theatrical show. Billiard tables are suppressed in 
liquor saloons, but while the law remains in force 
they continue playing in those places. Liquor saloons 
must be closed on Sundays, but drinking goes on there 
on such days, especially about election times, as 
public ofBcials then become more liberal than ever to 
secure votes for their reelection. In some localities 
citizens who do not vote, must pay a tax for enjoying 
a privilege that naturally belongs to every free man. 



PROFESSIONS, TRADES, COMMERCE, PLA- 
GIARISM, IMPOSITIONS, ACCIDENTS, 
CONVICT LABOR, FAKES. 

That the white portion of the American people are 
not excelled in mental faculties, must be universally 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 267 

conceded. Descending from the most civilized 
nations of the world, they inherit all their talents and 
virtues, as well as their faults. From their early 
youth they show a great aptitude for the sciences 
and arts, and all other branches of learning. Many 
of them are born poets or orators, although their 
genius may be often neglected or remain unknown 
in early pursuits for money. It is a common occur- 
rence to see a young man of twenty years of age or 
less, engaged in any branch of business, or in some 
great speculative scheme. Nor is it rare to notice 
men of little education, who, however insignificant in 
appearance, preside with ability, tact and dignity over 
important assemblies, and ravish their audience by the 
power of eloquence. No other country can boast of 
abler advocates at law, of more profound jurists, of 
more learned physicians and more skilled surgeons 
than are found in the United States of America. 

But evidently there exists in that country, among 
its bright people, amidst all its public and private 
schools, a most deplorable state of ignorance, and 
this evil is the more dangerous as it pervades the 
classes supposed to be most highly educated. All 
liberal professions swarm with incompetent or medi- 
ocre men of all nationalities; nor can any other 
civilized country be compared with the great republic, 
for the number, for the boldness, and for the auda- 
ciousness of such practitioners. It is in the land of 
the free that the politicians or the public officials 
thrive, who have not studied the science of govern- 



268 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ment; the shysters, or lawyers that know but very 
little of law; the judges devoid of judgment or erudi- 
tion; the architects and engineers lacking genius, art 
or science ; the surgeons better adapted to butchery 
than surgery; the medical doctors ignorant of medi- 
cine, and the charlatans of all grades and specialties 
more daring and more pretentious than were the 
Magi or judicial astrologers of ancient Assyria. 
Nothing will be said of all the colonels without 
regiment, and of the generals, or captains, or majors, 
without command. 

It is not alone in professional attainments that a 
great many lawyers and physicians are deficient. 
They have not all even received a fair primary educa-. 
tion, which, still, is insufficient to qualify those 
entering into careers of the highest order. They can 
not write or speak their own languas^e correctly, and 
are even faulty in the spelling. Mere writing and 
the first rules of arithmetic constitute the elements of 
all their education. 

Having frequent occasions of coming into contact 
with a few enlightened persons, and with the aid of 
daily newspaper literature, they may acquire some 
little information on various subjects; but deprived 
of that wholesome training in classics, which alone 
can furnish students with the key to the most precious 
treasures of erudition, their minds are filled with 
superficial knowledge and confused notions. There is 
nothing that can more assist and develop the intellect 
of the lawyer, of the orator, of the statesman and of 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 269 

the philosopher than the knowledge of history. All 
renowned men of such orders have made a special 
study of this science and have found it an inexhausti- 
ble source of ideas and irrefutable arguments. How- 
ever a vast multitude of lawyers, public educators 
and prominent politicians are particularly wanting 
in this branch of learning. As they often endeavor, 
in their speeches, at instructing or convincing their 
hearers in relating to the records of the past, they 
can greatly amuse, rather than interest, those in 
their audience that are learned. They are apt to 
make Philip of Macedonia or Hannibal attempt, in- 
stead of Xerxes, at passing the Thermopylae, in Asia 
Minor or in Italy; Cyrus or Alexander cross the Hel- 
lespont or the Pyrenees as well as the Alps to carry 
on wars against Caesar in Britain, and engage Fred- 
erick or Marlborough in a conflict with Napoleon. 
They may represent Demosthenes thundering against 
Cicero, or bring about an oratorial contest between 
Eschines and Miraheau, and lead Scipio or Pompey 
across the strait of Behring to take Constantinople 
in the time of Charlemagne or of Queen Elizabeth. 
They all know that the independence of the United 
States of America was declared on the fourth of July, 
but are not all certain as to the year of that important 
event. It is further observed, in this country, that 
as some individuals are deprived of all school learn- 
ing, they are the more easily designated practical 
men; and a large number of them have never served 
any apprenticeship in their respective mechanical 
branches. 



270 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Under this constitution of equality, freedom and 
liberty, one may be successively, a farmer, a lawyer, 
a builder, a druggist or a physician, a professional 
politician, a preacher of the Gospel, and m.ay become 
a gambler rather than going back to farming. Even 
in the states that have best legislated concerning the 
qualifications of persons entering the professional 
fields, are the abuses almost as noticeable as in all 
other places, because their laws are not strictl}' en- 
forced. 

Now, let us compare with fairness and impartiality 
the methods of the Eurooean countries with the 
American ways: Under all the governments of Europe, 
professional students must have first acquired the 
rudiments of a high education, nor are the}^ permitted 
to commence practicing unless they have spent several 
years in the stud}' of their respective professions and 
be judged perfectly competent after passing through 
a process of very severe examination. It is not ex- 
pected that they all be endowed with wonderful gen- 
ius or transcendent talents, or even be only most 
accomplished scholars; but it is, at least, intended, in 
justice to the people, and to the practitioners individ- 
ually, that none of them be a subject of danger 
to his countrymen or disgrace his profession by 
imposture or knavery. In any of the European 
countries, as well as in America, mechanics and 
traders are respected and considered indispensable 
members of society ; and moreover, it occurs there 
too, that some of them possess a considerable amount 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2/1 

of intellect and would be well adapted to any liberal 
profession or art, had they been educated for it from 
their youth. But, as it would be absurb to apply to 
a lawyer, or to a statesman, or to a doctor, for meats, 
for shoes, or for the building of a house, so do the 
monarchists think it irrational that they should get 
their politics, their counsel and their medicines from 
ignorant men, or from others who have been engaged 
in the mechanical trades or in mercantile pursuits the 
most of their life. 

The American ways are those of democracy; the 
European system is that of monarchy. Under the 
former, ignorant and unworthy individuals are allowed 
by the so-called government of the people to rival 
and annoy in practice men of merit; the shyster can 
lead his patrons astray by unwise counsel ; an incom- 
petent judge may deliver wrong instructions to jurors 
or render erroneous judgments; and the charlatan 
may make his patients suffer the effects of his ignor- 
ance and malpractice. 

In politics, as well as in all other professions, are 
the American people impelled by their system to set 
their talents and abilities on the same level with 
ignorance. Men deprived of any merit are promoted 
to public positions by demagogical influences. Nor 
can in any country but the United States, such abuses 
and impositions be noticed. That in any of the 
European monarchies a relative, or a friend, or a 
favorite is some times raised to the public service is 
true, but not unless he is fully qualified for it. 



2/2 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Moreover, the land of the free can not be excelled 
by any other civilized country for the number of its 
plagiarists. Although Americans are, like the French 
and the English, capable of high literary attainments, 
some of their writers or orators scruple not to clothe 
the sterility of their brains with the splendor of 
authors' productions, which they publish or deliver as 
their own for money or honor. That any individual, 
conscious of his genius or intellectual powers, has a 
right to climb Parnassus, or take his seat in the rank 
of orators, of philosophers, of scientists or of artists, 
must be plausibly granted; but he who steals from 
the dead, or plagiarizes the works of the living should 
be denounced for his meanness, in justice both to his 
more worthy countrymen and to mankind. No one, m 
the European monarchies would even venture in 
such practices; and should he attempt it, he would 
at once become the object of public derision, or be 
called to account for infringing upon the rights of 
others. 

What can be more unjust and more detrimental to 
the advancement of learning in general, and to the 
interest of individuals or of the entire nation than 
such a loose system as that carried on in the United 
States of America? 

Under the monarchial rule, worthy men are encour- 
aged to cultivate their talents, and education is pro- 
moted for the good of all individuals, because the 
respective merit of all professional men is recognized 
and ranks far above the level of ignorance or impost- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 273 

ures; and the masses of the people are thus justly 
guarded against the rise of all unqualified or unscru- 
pulous persons, at least as much as can possibly be 
expected from the best government. 

In the United States, as well as in all other 
countries, are found a large number of merchants 
and traders of all classes who can be well depended 
upon for fair dealings; but, meanwhile, is it doubted 
that there is in the great republic a vast amount of 
frauds and deceit carried in all trades? Americans, 
do you always get the very article you purchase? 
Do you not often receive oleomargarine for butter, or 
other inferior produce in place of what you wish to 
eat? Do you not get common leather for the best 
French calf, and inferior or adulterated or spurious 
goods of all sorts in place of what you demand and 
pay for? Is whiskey distilled, or beer brewed, in 
your country, out of as good material as is repre- 
sented to be; and is your so-called wine always the 
pure juice of the vine? Accidents occur in the best 
governed countries; but are they not far more fre- 
quent in the republic than in Europe? There is in all 
monarchies, a wonderful system of inspection rigidly 
carried over all branches of industry and commerce, 
and the building or repairing of railroads, bridges, 
steamers, etc. accompanied with severe penalties 
against negligent or guilty parties. Such laws exist 
in the great republic, on paper; but are they as well 
enforced as in the European countries? Oh I you 
republicans and democrats, who sny that republics 

IS 



1 • 



274 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

raise, and monarchies degrade, the poor; tell us what 
monarchy in Europe and even in Asia lowers its 
working classes down to the level of criminals in 
making them compete against prison labor? Is not 
such tyrannical abuse carried in the American repub- 
lic? What do the capitalists of the land of freedom 
care for the welfare of their employees? Will they 
not use them as slaves, if the government grants 
them that privilege ? Should it be publicly announced, 
in any of the European monarchies, by some individ- 
uals exciting the people's curiosity to get money from 
them, that on a certain day, a ship would rise from the 
earth to travel in the air, and should they disappoint 
the spectators by failing to move at the time men- 
tioned, the government would enquire into the case, 
and find out whether the failure of the vessel was 
due to mere accident, or to other causes. The 
American democracy, on the contrary, is too indiffer- 
ent as to the conduct of the country's institutions, 
and fakes of all kinds. 

Now rise up this instant, Americans, and say which 
government affords more protection to society and 
individuals against imposition, dangers, frauds and 
abuses. Is it democrca3^ or is it monarchy? 



PROMOTION OF INCOMPETENT AfEN TO 
THE PUBLIC SERVICE, SPOILS. 

The following articles from American newspapers 
illustrate well enough the incompetence of men very 




ANCIENT AND MODERN 2/5 

often promoted to the public service by merely polit- 
ical influence, and also the deplorable greediness and 
demagogism of politicians and parties. 

The Kansas City Times, Saturday, March i8th, 
1893. 

BEST PARTY POLICY. 

The government of the United States is a business 
more intricate than that of any corporation in the 
country. The people have a right that their servants 
from the President down to the commonest day 
laborer shall be fitted for their respective positions. 
Yet, evident as are these propositions, thousands of 
men at every change of administration ignore them 
and become applicants for positions for which they 
have no aptitude, or for which, for various reasons, 
they are absolutely disqualified. They would not 
have the temerity to seek similar positions in a cor- 
poration or ordinary business concern, because proper 
inquiry would result only in a painful disclosure of 
disqualifications. They rely for success when they 
apply for government work not upon their ability to 
perform it, but upon "influence." If "influence" were 
always honestly exercised for the public good it would 
serve as a buffer between the petitions, requests or 
demands of those not qualified for the positions they 
seek, and the administration which has but one aim 
in appointments, to secure the best men for each 
particular kind of work. 



276 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The clamor of those who lack qualification is louder 
at the beginning of a new administration than at any 
other time. Mr. Cleveland has spoken to the point 
on this matter at the very outset of his term. There 
is no chance for misconstruction in the words of his 
inaugural address relating to the "demoralizing mad- 
ness for spoils." There are many men in both parties 
upon whom the words "fitness and competency" have 
the effect of the red flag on a bull. Those words 
will be the passwords to positions under the present 
administration. The New York Evening Post has 
some excellent remarks upon the utility of appointing 
party workers to office. It says in this connection: 
"The great mass of the people have no sympathy 
with the spoilsmen who crowd into Washington and 
beg for office as a method of living at the public ex- 
pense. They do not thrill with joy and bubble over 
with the enthusiasm whenever the President puts a 
'worker' into the postoiBce or the custom-house. 
There is no enthusiasm anywhere except among a 
few followers who hope to obtain personal advantage. 
"The party newspapers have no strength left for en- 
thusiasm either, for all their energy must be expended 
in finding excuses for the selection. But when a 
first rate appointment is made, the whole country is 
enthusiastic over it, and has genuine pride in the 
president who makes it, and the result is an incalcu- 
lable gain in strength for the party to which the 
president belongs." 

"This is not only true, but it is in the highest de- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2/7 

gree practicable. It is argued that the best appoint- 
ments should be made, because the making of the 
best appointments is the best party policy. There 
is no weakness in the argument, even viewed with a 
strict party standpoint. Of course it will be said 
that if the 'workers' are not rewarded they will be 
discouraged from further party effort; but, still treat- 
ing the subject practically, it is a serious question 
whether work that is dependent wholly upon the re- 
ward of office is the most useful for a party. In ad- 
dition to this, it is obvious that all the workers can 
not be rewarded. If one, therefore, receives office, 
while the others do not, it creates envying and jeal- 
ousies which are highly detrimental to party unity 
and party success. The best party policy is found 
in making the best possible appointments," 

It is amusing to hear them constantly complaining 
of deficient men in the public service. If they expe- 
rience such great difficulties in securing competent 
officials, why is it that they do not keep them in 
position when once they have been secured, regard- 
less of their party affiliations? But this would not 
be democratic. To be constitutional, they must re- 
move a good man from office, and continue blustering 
and recommending reforms, like the gamins of Paris, 
who, after applying grease spots to peoples' clothes 
beg for the job of removing them. 



278 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

NEGRO QUESTION. 

There is nothing that has ever more exposed the 
danger of party feeling and of men's personal ambi- 
tion in republics than the manner in which the Negro 
Slavery question was solved, in the United States of 
America. When, after the long and bloody civil war, 
in the continued and heated strife of parties for 
power, they were so devoid of national pride as to 
enfranchise their slaves, they, meanwhile, sacrificed 
to their spirit of rancor and contemptible cupidity 
the original type of the American people, who had, 
till that time, ranked among the white nations. 

Their democratical form of government, in depriv- 
ing the nation of a permanent head afforded it no 
adequate means of protection against a foreign 
mixture, which, according to a prejudice existing in 
all countries from time immemorial, has always been 
considered disgraceful by the great Aryan family. 
So long as the republican party could secure enough 
voters to retain their supremacy over the nation, it 
mattered not to them if its next generations were to 
be black, white, brown or yellow. 

It has always been irritating to hear them attempt 
to justify their conduct or defend their policy in adopt- 
ing the fifteenth amendment to their constitution. 
After the republic had slaughtered or maimed myriads 
of brave men in useless battles, as the democratic 
party reproached the republicans with outraging the 
white people by introducing into the commonwealth 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 2/9 

millions of ignorant negroes, the narrow minded ele • 
ment of the republican party replied that, as to edu- 
cation and intelligence, the colored citizens could be 
compared favorably with a large number of emigrants 
from Europe. "But," retorted the democrats, with 
good sense, "suppose that there is lack of knowl- 
edge among a class of our white people, is that a 
rsason why we should raise four million slaves to our 
level?" Had the republicans meant what they seemed 
inclined to demonstrate by their argument, they would 
have the more exhibited but their error of judgment; 
as it was entirely inconsistent with their favorite 
theory that on the intelligence of the people depends 
republicanism. This is not all. The republicans, 
pretending to be actuated by pure philanthropy, pro- 
claimed through the world, that no difference what ■ 
soever existed between the white man and the negro, 
except in the color, and consequently the latter was 
worthy of the former. The mission of their party, in 
the land of the free, was to place all men, they said, 
regardless of their origin or complexion, on a footing 
of equality, and promote the welfare of every indi- 
vidual. It is very amusing to hear some of their 
public speakers attem.pt to equal the negroes to the 
white people in mental power. In a tone of lofty 
eloquence they burst out, saying excitedly: "Our 
colored population descends fom the illustrious race 
of men who built up the civilization of ancient Egypt, 
produced a Hannibal and the Carthngenian nation that 
rivaled the mighty power of Rome." They seen to 



2 80 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ignore that Carthage and all her adjoining territory 
which she conquered, in Africa, had been colonies 
founded by the Phoenicians, a yellow-brown Canaan- 
itish nation of Asia, and that the haughty and proud 
Carthagenians, who originated from them, although 
they enlisted mercenary troops in their armies, suc- 
ceeded to preserve the purity of their ancestry's 
blood, by debarring negroes from admittance to their 
citizenship. Moreover, it is a mistaken idea that all 
other African nations were of negro origin. The 
ancient inhabitants of Egypt, though not entirely free 
from foreign admixture, were principally related to 
the Caucasian and Canaanitish races. Their mummies 
and the figures representing their great men, bear 
no resemblance whatsoever to the negro, and show 
that straight, but no woolly or frizzy hair grew on 
them. Even in the absence of such proofs, does it 
seem possible or only probable that colonies of negroes 
could have been the founders of civil government, 
and the originators of art and science, while their 
mother-countries, Ethiopia, Madagascar, and others, 
lay in the deepest state of barbarism.^ 

It is true that since their emancipation a few 
colored men, in the United States of America, have 
made some progress both in wealth and education. 
But what have the masses gained by their right of 
suffrage, besides the honor of falling into line with 
the whites, to vote for those who have no use for 
them but for their own political success.-* What 
material encouragement have they derived from the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 28 I 

expressions of sympathy or of deep concern, which, 
once the repubHcans affected in their behalf? They 
form more than one quarter of the rcpubh'can party, 
and consequently under any republican administration 
they are entitled to a large number of state offices and 
even to seats in the President's cabinet. However, 
not only in any of the republican states have negroes 
failed to secure public positions of any importance, 
but they have remained engaged in occupations only 
becoming to slaves. The most exalted professions 
which they practice are those of barber, of waiter, 
of hod-carrier. Hardly one of them in the Northern 
states can be seen using any tools but the shovel and 
the pick-axe, for no young negro can receive more 
advantage from a republican than from a democrat, 
to learn any of the mechanical branches. Besides, 
the great majority of white republicans vote for 
democrats, rather than for colored men. In slavery, 
the negroes were assured of their livelihood; now, in 
freedom, they perform for their liberators only such 
labor as they did in their former condition for their 
masters; and in compensation for their exercising 
their right of citizenship to promote white republicans, 
a vast number of those colored American voters are 
deprived, half the time, of the absolute necessaries 
of life, and live in such state of degradation, as can not 
be described with any degree of decency. Driven to 
desperation by the prospective impossibliity of their 
maintaining a mere existence, they often go on ter- 
rorizing society by thefts, high>vay robberies, burglar}-. 



282 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

assaults on women, and murders. Such is the moral 
or intellectual condition of a class of citizens, which 
white republicans regarded once worthy of American 
citizenship. 

Now, the republicans have no excuses or pretexts 
to give, for not practically aiding the negroes, any 
more than the democrats do, as they can not deny 
them a sufficient amount of mental powers to deserve 
culture and encouragement in commerce, industry, 
art and science. The insurmountable difficulties 
which the colored citizens experience, in their new 
state, are owing to the indisputable fact that both the 
republicans and democrats are led against them by 
the same old prejudices. The decrease of republican 
majorities, in many of the Northern states, as the 
negro population increased therein since their enfran- 
chisement, must be partly attributed to the reaction' 
produced upon the feelings of the white people by 
these new citizens exercising their political privileges, 
when the two classes were brought permanently into 
close contact with each other. 

The whole problem, which has proved too difficult 
to be wisely solved under a constitution democratic 
in form, is, still now, a subject of much annoyance 
to the country. More than a quarter of a century has 
elapsed since the war ended, and the painful mem- 
ories of that terrible struggle, and the ill feelings it 
had engendered, have not, as yet, been obliterated. 
The champions of the republican party, have, for 
political purposes, incessantly related to the revolu- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 283 

tionary spirit of the Southern people, and continue 
censuring them in their pubHc speeches, for having 
attempted once to secede from the union. Neverthe- 
less, the republicans whose main patriotic duty was 
forgiveness and friendly spirit, have, through their 
implacable resentment and revengeful disposition 
against the Southern people, proved themselves the 
more faulty for the grudge that still exists between 
North and South. The press, this great educator of 
the nation, and the demagogues, have had, to the 
present time, an easy task to keep burning in the 
breasts of the people, those reciprocal animosities 
incompatible with the restoration of that cordial 
union, which was intended to be the only logical 
solution of all past difficulties between the two sec- 
tions of the country, when peace returned. 

It is in private discussions that the most frankness 
and sincerity is exhibited, generally. And on such 
occasions the republicans finding themselves confuted 
on this question, always conclude their controversy 
by saying: "Well, had the democrats of the Northern 
states been in our position and circumstances they 
would have acted exactly as we did to hold the 
power." This is very true; and in no other case can 
the republican and democratic politicians of the 
United States be more depended upon for veracity 
than when they villify one another. In accusing 
themselves reciprocally, regarding politics, they al- 
ways seem infalhblc. 

There is but little doubt that, had the country been 



284 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

governed by a monarch}' instead of a democracy, the 
union would liave been preserved, the slaves would 
have been emancipated, and the Negro Question ad- 
justed, without war; nor is there anything more cer- 
tain than that the American nation would still be 
white, but not octaroon. The inamovability of the 
chief-magistrate in guarding the throne of the sov- 
ereign people against the covetousness of political 
factions, the identity of his true interests with these 
of the country at large, his national pride and his 
ambition of transmitting down to posterity, the honor, 
the dignity and the glor}^ of his name, would have 
maintained in the American people the purity of the 
Caucasian blood that flowed into their veins from the 
monarchies of Europe. 

Now, as a great many colored citizens vote the 
democratic ticket, and as the republicans have lost 
their hold upon the government, not a few of the 
latter and democrats alike are of the opinion that all 
people of negro type ought to be deported to Africa. 



SPECULATIONS, REAL ESTATE BOOMS, 
EXTRAVAGANCIES. 

It is said that the number of disappointed office 
seekers, in the United States, is upwards of two 
million. What can be the spirit, the dispositions 
and the intentions of so many sore heads.'' How 
terrible a burden must be on society that vast multi- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 285 

tude of individuals, that are, generally, very active 
in doing nothing, looking with envy and jealousy at 
their successful rivals, and demoralized by the sight 
of all those easy and lucrative positions they can not 
get, but still determined to thrive like all public 
officials, in ease and comfort! 

The demoralizing influences which democratic 
politics has exerted over the urban populations of 
the great American republic, by making a great many 
people attempt to live out of the government, has 
done more than any other cause to turn the minds of 
the masses towards wild schemes of speculations, in 
giving them strong hopes to derive quick and im- 
mense profits from small investments. 

They say: "It is true, that we can not all be pres- 
idents, governors or senators, nor even get any of the 
lower political offices; but the land of the free owes 
us a living; and why should we work hard for it, in 
such a rich country as ours?" 

All speculators are more or less visionary, and some 
of them build, in their mind, castles or fortunes as 
extensive as their ambition or greediness suggest. 
There is scarcely any lack of occasion or opportuni- 
ties for the trials of their ventures. After figuring 
on a scheme, be it what it may, they arrive at the 
conclusion that there is considerable money in it. 
Nor can any one upset the logic of their figures; and 
he is a fool or a crank, in their estimation, who can 
not at once perceive the anunint oi money or the 
colossal fortunes whic:h tliev have accunuilated on 
paper, 



286 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The operative field in which Americans show most 
their speculative propensities, is very extensive, and 
principally comprehends produce, stock, mining, land 
and building. There is nothing more interesting 
than to see them carry on their real estate booms, 
especially in the western towns. In the United 
States, no group of houses, however so small, is 
known as a village. If it has but a hundred inhabi- 
tants, it is called a city. Suburbs are, in Europe, 
the portions of cities lying outside their main busi- 
ness centers, but, in the United States, smaller towns, 
situated at three, five, ten and even twenty miles, 
away from them. 

After a certain period of agricultural or commer- 
cial prosperity, or of increase in the population of a 
town; or on the prospective possibility, or on the 
announcement, that railroads or bridges are to be 
built, or a deep water harbor is to be secured, which 
will rival those of New York, London and Liverpool ; 
that a coal, a lead, a silver or a gold mine, has been 
discovered, or factories are to be established, or oil 
has been struck, in its vicinity, the price of its ground 
is immediately raised to one, or two or three hundred 
per cent. Not contented with all the vacant spaces 
between buildings and all the fields that lie within 
their present city limits, and are generally large 
enough to hold a population two or three times as 
large as they already have, they proceed to convert 
all the farming land around the town into city lots 
for miles distance. Besides special agents, syndicates 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 28/ 

are formed to carry on the real estate business on 
a gigantic scale. Their operations cover so much 
territory that they are more extravagant than they 
would be, had they entered into contract to receive 
and accommodate millions of emigrants from foreign 
nations, at a year or even only a few months notice. 
People come from all parts of the country to take 
part in those speculative transactions, and even em- 
ploy the telegraphic wires, asking agents to secure 
ground for them, expecting a large increase in price 
from the moment of their departure from home till 
their arrival at the city of destiny. The size of a city 
lot is, generally, twenty-five or fifty feet front by 
a hundred and twenty-five feet in depth with an alley 
in the rear. All city lots, in corn-fields, on the prairie, 
or in the pasture, are designated by four stakes for 
which the plow must, in the future, have more re- 
spect than has a democrat for government. Special 
railroad or steamer excursions are made, with brass 
bands, headed by the Spangled Banner, to promote 
the auction sale of those lots, at which roasted oxen 
and sheep, beer, wiskey and cigars are served, to raise 
the buyer's enthusiasm. This land which was bought 
at prices ranging from two to five hundred dollars per 
acre, is sold for any price from five to a hundred dol- 
lars a front foot. Generally one quarter or one third 
payment is made at once, and the defered payments 
in one, two and three years, for which notes are given 
secured by a deed of trust on the property. Some- 
times the speculative excitement extends throughout 



288 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

the entire Western country, and becomes so intense 
that the same land is sold two or three times in a day 
at a large advance in price; the increase of popula- 
tion is so rapid, and this ostensiule progress, which 
nothing justifies, is thought to rest on so solid a basis 
that they erect not only city dwellings, but also blocks 
of business houses on those farms, and even in the M 
woods. If all their towns were occupied by as many I 

inhabitants as required to fall the ground annexed to 
them, during their late booms; and if enough rural 
land could be settled to support so many large cities 
as designed by their speculators, the United States 
would have a population equal to that of the world. 
In those times, all branches of commerce, all trades 
and professions, seemed to be most flourishing, and 
in the opinion of the majority of people, this condi- 
tion is to be everlasting. Carried by the speculative 
wave, merchants, traders, professional men, neglect 
or relinquish their respective occupations, to embrace 
real estate. New syndicates are formed, new terri- 
tories added, and cities of a few thousand inhabitants, 
now cover more ground than the city of London, in 
England. Every one is getting rich because every one 
is selling land. Individuals, who, a few months ago, 
were destitute of everything, are novv millionaires; 
in fact, the millionaires are more common than others. 
A reign of splendor, luxury and extravagance is in- 
augurated, palatial residences are built and sump- 
tuously furnished ; gold is as common as brass, and 
diamonds as plenty as glass, while champagne Hows 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 289 

on all sides. Now, we can see those daisies, and 
dashing widows, whose one, two or three husbands 
are still alive, those fascinating blondes with black 
eyes, and brunettes with blue or grey eyes, enter 
into engagements for early matrimony; and dudes 
.or dandies in one seat buggies driving fast trotters, 
fall in love at first sight to-day, and marry the next 
day. In this incomparable state of public felicity, and 
while they are engaged in admiring themselves, and 
attributing their success to their intellectual powers 
and political wisdom, some bad news is reported, and 
followed by sad announcements in newspapers. 
A syndicate or a bank has failed; the construction of 
a rail-road has been suspended, they struck a snag, 
or have met with insurmountable difBculties in the 
harbor; a steamer is stuck in deep water on a rock or 
touches bottom; there is trouble in the mining com- 
pany, or the mine is without mineral, or the oil has 
ceased running. A sudden reaction takes place, 
seriousness and scare succeeds smiles on all faces. 
The real estate sellers are already more numerous 
than the purchasers; shortly afterwards, every one 
wants to sell out, but none wants to bu}^ Prices 
go down, and notes for defered payments are due 
and unpaid. They commence finding fault with some 
company, whom they accuse of unscrupulous methods 
of operation. All the new people, and even some of 
the old residents, leave the town. Houses arc vaca- 
ted, and the depression gradually and rapidly in- 
creases, till at List, some of that ground, which was 

19 



290 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

bought once for ten times its value, could not be 
given away, even with the buildings on it, as this 
kind of property can not be but a source of expense. 
This is not all. Now come the sheriff's sales, which 
may last for many years, and failures, of banks and 
all branches of commerce and industry. Persons 
who a month ago were reported worth millions of 
dollars, are now utterly ruined and plunged into an 
abyss of debts, whence they can never redeem them- 
selves. The number of law suits has been greatly 
increased; love has departed, and marriages have 
ceased; petitions for decrees of divorce are made, 
on the ground of material negligence, infidelity, or 
incompatibility of character. When, in the United 
States, a married man loses his fortune, (and this is 
a frequent occurrence) he runs a great risk, and it 
may sometimes be said, a great chance, of forfeiting, 
the affection of his wife, especially, if she is young 
and pretty. These financial disasters, and social or 
conjugal difficulties, are immediately accompanied 
with a lively period of crimes, consisting of embezzle- 
ments, forgeries, burglaries, highway robberies, incen- 
diarism, shooting affrays, poisoning, wrecking of 
passenger trains on railroads and plundering of banks. 
This is harvest time for lawyers and for the courts, 
and, as usual, for the newspapers. Once the latter 
had made money by advertising the boom, now they 
continue accumulating it b}^ giving notices of sheriff's 
sales and other consequences of the collapse. 

The rapid increase in the number of real estate 



ANCIENT AND MODERN . 29I 

agents in American cities, which is generally consid- 
ered as the sign of prosperous times and increasing 
values in real estate can always be depended upon as 
the precursor of approaching financial calamities. 



AMERICAN COURAGE. 

Americans, most of the time, seem ver}' morose, 
even in a state of prosperity, having their minds con- 
stantly engaged in deep thoughts over money matters. 
But they are scarce disheartened by losses or other 
misfortunes. 

The easiest thing, in the United States, is one's 
losing, in a short time, and even in a moment, all 
the money at his disposal. If in this country, indi- 
vidual fortunes have no stability, on the other hand, 
the material resources are so great, and the field for 
enterprise and speculative schemes, so vast, that they 
constantly stimulate the courage of men, by showing 
them various ways of rapidly recuperating from re- 
verses, but very frequently lead them to other pecu- 
niary disasters. A few years ago, it was a popular 
saying that money was easily made and easily lost, 
but now it is said: money is difficultl}^ made and 
more easily lost than ever in the past. 



292 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ARE THE INGENIOUS AMERICANS REALLY 

PRACTICAL, OR PRINCIPALLY 

SPECULATIVE? 

The chief boast of Americans is that they are the 
most practical men on earth. In fact, a people as 
materialistic as they are, are supposed to excel all 
other nations in political economy; but, their 
country's vast resources, their form of government, 
and their speculative turn of mind have led them to 
neglect this important branch of philosophy. To 
their losses arising from all sorts of ventures, must 
be added others from their municipal extravagancies. 
For economy, health and convenience, a city ought 
to be built compact. The mere conception of the 
idea of a city is itself sufficient to teach that it should 
end where vacant or farming land commences. 
Americans annex to their cities, even those not affected 
by real estate booms, a great deal more ground than 
they need, and can, consequently, improve with 
profit to themselves. Some of them say: "We can 
afford to be extravagant, our country is rich.'* This 
is true, but why should they waste away their riches? 
Others remark: "In America, we have more ground 
than they have in Europe, and besides it is right to 
have vacant spaces between houses for air and light." 
Let those who make such attempts at refutation tell 
whether the owners of all the vacant land have bought 
it with a view to give their neighbors more light and 
more air, or for mere speculation, or to build upon 



II 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 293 

at some future time? Moreover, those vacant lots, 
or those vast fields, that lie within the boundary lines 
of American cities, are but receptacles of stagnant 
w^ater or dead animals and consequently very objec- 
tionable, in a sanitary point of view, and also most 
favorable to the commission of nightly crimes. Any 
one should have the right to occupy all the ground he 
wishes for his residence or for his business, if his 
means permit it; but, otherwise, there should not be 
many vacant spaces within the limits of a city, but 
public places. In order to establish the practice of 
such regulation, no municipal governments should 
allow any city street improvements to be made beyond 
the line of an area of territory capable of holding all 
the population that can be justl}^ claimed by their 
respective cities. Metropolitan improvements cost 
as much on farms as in cities; nor should one expect 
to enjoy them, who resides in the country. 

It is a mistaken idea that any city improvements 
increase the value of property, except when this 
property is bringing a revenue. Nothing can substan- 
tially enhance its value but a permanent increase of 
population which can only be supported by various 
material interests, and principally agriculture, industry 
and commerce. 

In most of the American cities, miles and miles of 
streets are laid with sewers, pavement, curb-stone, 
sidewalks, for land which in' man}' cases will not be 
occupied for twenty and even lifty years from now. 
These immense and mincccssary municipal achieve- 



294 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ments are said to be carried on as speculative schemes, 
which cost the people very dearly and ruin a great 
many of them, for promoting the interests of a few 
aldermen, and monopolists or contractors. It is also 
observed that the boundless rivalry, and the intense 
feeling of jealousy existing among American cities 
help considerably in making them exaggerate their 
importance respectively. With a view to gain wealth, 
each of them attempts to invite investments or enter- 
prise by impressing the minds of the people abroad, 
through census reports, with the superiority of its 
material advantages over those of all others; and for 
this purpose, it sometimes annexes a territory capable 
of holding a million inhabitants, for adding but a few 
thousand to its population. 

They are extravagant both in contraction and in 
expansion at the same time. The idea of erecting 
stores and office buildings exceeding eight or ten 
stories in height, is ridiculous, even in New York 
City, whose southern portion is confined to a narrow 
strip of land between two rivers. But what can be 
said of the unparalleled extravagancies of the cit}' of 
Chicago, of those buildings of sixteen and even 
eighteen stories in height built on artificial founda- 
tions, and whence, after an hour's walk, we fall in 
cabbage or pumpkin fields, or in swamps, or in the 
woods.-^ The City of London, in England, with an 
area of less than a hundred thousand acres, has a 
population of nearly five million. Chicago, having a 
population of less than a million and a half, occupies 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 295 

a territory of about a hundred and ten thousand 
acres; and the largest portion of its inhabitants are 
very poor, and hve in very small houses or are crowd- 
ed in the apartments of the larger ones. 

That Chicago has been the fastest growing city in 
the country is well known, but meantime it is the 
largest field for wild speculative schemes. Nothing 
illustrates this better than the immensity of its prep- 
arations for the Columbian Exposition. Its inhabi- 
tants, elated by their victory over New York City, 
were at once led estray by the prospect of their 
becoming the principal center of attraction for 
the world. From the time Chicago was selected 
as the place for the great show, their antici- 
pations have been boundless till its opening. As if 
they had had the assurance that most people of the 
country and large numbers from all parts of the earth 
would visit their city on this occasion they immedi- 
ately set at work to build, and put up enough hotels 
and houses to accommodate millions. They were to 
receive for the renting of rooms any price they might 
ask, as the supply of them could never equal the 
demand; and hotels erected at the cost of several 
hundred thousand dollars were to do far better than to 
pay for themselves in the short period of the exposi- 
tion. Their great expectations, unfortunately, have 
been followed by great disappointments. About four 
months have elapsed since the beginning, and thou- 
sands of rooms are vacant, begging for tenants at 
extremely low prices; most of the new hotel keepers 



296 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

and proprietors of other business establishments are 
losing money, and many of them are already ruined. 

It is certain that the stringenc}' of the money mar- 
ket and bad times throughout the country have greatly 
contributed to their losses. But this is not of rare 
occurrence in the United States; and such are the 
hallucinations of some professional speculators as to 
always consider every object but on its brighter side. 
In supposing that the whole country would have been 
prosperous this year, there was nothing to justify such 
financial outlays, both in the city itself and in Jackson 
Park. 

A beautiful city was built up on the Fair Grounds. 
This is acknowledged by all people, and reflects high 
credit upon the taste and skill of Americans. But 
the exhibition of the products of nations, and not the 
buildings, was to be the chief object of the enterprise. 
Besides, magnitude and quantity seem to have been 
considered paramount to all other requirements in 
this exposition. It covers too much ground, and 
amidst its splendid displa3's, contains too many 
articles unworthy of notice, to allow even intelligent 
visitors to examine most of its good things in six 
months and even in six 3'ears. In the whole it is a 
tremendous and pompous spectacle, and the mere 
sight of it is worth much to any one, were it only to 
gratify his curiosity. But as to its educational influ- 
ence, as well as from a financial point of view, it is a 
failure. An immense area can be traveled over, and 
a great deal can be seen, but very little can be learned. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 297 

WHY IS IT THAT MUNICIPAL GOVERN- 
MENTS IN THE EUROPEAN COUNTRIES 
ARE BETTER THAN THOSE OF 
THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC? 

While republicans and democrats denounce the 
monarchies of Europe, they often and justly recog- 
nize, upon comparison, the superiority of their mu- 
nicipal governments over those of the United States. 

An article of "The Kansas City Star" of Kansas 
City, Missouri, advocating reforms in the governments 
of the American cities, and citing those of the Euro- 
pean countries as their models, is quite interesting, 
as it reflects the sentiment, of a vast number of 
American citizens, and also exhibits their inconsist- 
encies in their expecting that municipal governments 
could be generally secured, that would promote the 
public good under a democratic form of government. 

The Kansas City Star: Kansas City, Missouri, 
Saturday, September 19th, 1891. 



MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. 

"Public attention in this country has recently been 
directed to the subject of municipal government in a 
way that ought to bring about a general reform in the 
administration of American cities. Contributors to 
the standard periodicals which circulate among the 
people, have been writing nuich upon the subject, 



298 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

and by drawing the contrast between the methods of 
government in the cities of Europe and those of the 
United States they are showing how imperfectly the 
true idea of local government has been realized on 
this side of the Atlantic. The ideal results which 
have been achieved in Edinburg, London, Paris, Ber- 
lin and, in fact, in most of the populous centers in 
Europe, by adhering to the policy of considering only 
the public good in the expenditure of the public funds, 
at least demonstrate grand and vital possibilities and 
the knowledge that such governments exist elsewhere 
may do something towards enkindling a desire to 
imitate them in this country. 

"It is a humiliating admission to make, but it is 
nevertheless true, that there is not an important city 
in the United States which is governed with a view 
single to the greatest welfare of its people. It is an 
almost universal rule in this country, that the men 
who operate the machinery of municipalities give 
comparatively little thought to the public, and con- 
sider it only in relation to the effect which its estimate 
of them may have upon their individual interests. 
They are in the business, so to speak, for what they 
can get out of it, and while these professional office- 
holders are taking care of themselves and their strik- 
ers, and 'the party, ' the essential object of all gov- 
ernment — the greatest good to the greatest number 
— is forgotten. 

"The tolerant spirit which the American people have 
manifested towards the rings which control so many 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 299 

of the great cities of this country and the apparent 
indifference of the public to the disgrace of such a 
condition of things is simply phenomenal. It is dia- 
metrically opposed to the patriotic spirit which pre- 
vails throughout the Republic and the sense of probity 
and decency which is a distinguishing trait of the 
American people. It defies explanation and baffles 
understanding. It is a puzzle for which no one has 
furnished a solution. The evil will probably continue 
to grow until it reaches a degree of enormity that will 
make it unbearable and then there will be a swift 
and radical reform. 

"The apathy in Kansas City in respect to matters 
of local government is probably no greater and it is 
certainly no less than it is in the majority of Ameri- 
can cities. Here, as elsewhere, the politicians who 
desire the offices for their own individual aggrandize- 
ment and who hustle for them get the places and 
keep them from year to year. The municipal gov- 
ernment is little more than a machine which is used 
for political purposes. This fact is realized and ad- 
mitted by a sufficient number of voters to change the 
entire system of local government, but the protest 
ends in a mere censure of words, and the politicians 
and spoilsmen continue to run the machine. Public 
sentiment in Kansas City can be aroused to effective 
action on almost every other question than the one 
vital issue which concerns the welfare of the people 
more intimately than an3'thing else — namely, good 
local government. BLAINE clubs, CLh:Vb:LAXn 



300 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

clubs, tariff reform clubs, protection clubs, can be 
organized by the score, on the shortest notice. Men 
will howl themselves hoarse in encouragement of 
their pet national issues, and will carry torches and 
march miles through dust and mud to show their 
loyalty to a cause which, of course, concerns them 
in a general way, who will not raise a hand or a note 
in favor of a reform which bears directly upon the 
welfare of their families and the prosperity of their 
homes. 

"But are not the people interested much more vitally, 
after all, in the proper management of their local 
affairs than they are in national legislation? Are not 
municipal reform clubs a greater necessity in this 
city than HARRISON or CLEVELAND or BLALNE 
clubs ? Why should not organizations looking toward 
a purification of the municipal government be organ- 
ized ia every neighborhood in the city? Is it not de- 
manded as a means of promoting the health, the 
comfort of the public and as an aid to the proper ap- 
plication of the taxes paid by the people for the 
maintenance of the city government ? The experiment 
is at least worthy of a trial. There is a wide and 
growing dissatisfaction with the present system of 
local government, and a general desire for reform. 
The only way to bring about a change is for the 
people who are tired of the reign of the politicians 
and spoilsmen to unite in a well directed movement 
for new methods. A clean progressive municipal 
government would do more to aid the material pros- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 3OI 

perity of Kansas City than anything else, and its 
necessity is emphasized by the tokens of an impend- 
ing business revival which will carry Kansas City a 
long way forward if the people in their capacity as 
voters and as guardians of the public welfare are true 
to their duty and make the best of their great oppor- 
tunities." 

The Kansas City Star, in attempting to inspire the 
citizens of Kansas City with public spirit at home, 
can not but the more stimulate their selfishness by 
the tone of such an article as this. While it recom- 
mends them to give more attention to their munici- 
pal than to their national affairs, it unconsciously leads 
every one to say: "Why should I care more for 
the city's affairs than for my own?" In the Ameri- 
can democracy this rule is generally adhered to: Every 
state for itself, every city for itself, every ward to 
each city for itself, every street for itself, every 
family for itself and every individual for himself, but 
no institution to bind the country and the citizens 
cordially together. 

American educators and philosophers, how can you 
consistently continue to cherish your democratic 
Constitution, while you lament over its deplorable 
effects upon the character of your people? Here is 
an idea that will help you to solve the problem which 
seems to perplex your mind; and if you raise, for a 
moment, the bonnet of liberty that blinds you. you 
will immediately become enlightened: 

The character of all municipal institutions, in every 



302 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

country, is generally formed by the principles of its 
national government. The city councils of the Euro- 
pean countries are sound and promote the public 
good because monarchy directs them in the path of 
justice, by constantly preserving the interests of the 
people, and closely watching over all their institu- 
tions; but, on the contrary, your municipal govern- 
ments are corrupt and opposed to the welfare of your 
cities, merely because your democratic constitution, 
however so apparently plausible and wise on paper, 
leads your citizens astray. Were not the monarchies 
of Europe far better adapted than democracy to gov- 
ern nations, their municipal governments would not 
be of a higher character than your own. Now, phi- 
losophers, is the question of good municipal govern- 
ment still a puzzle to you.^ 

The next statements from American newspapers 
contain proofs of such state of corruption as exists 
in many states, counties and cities. 



DEFRAUDED OF A HUGE SUM. 

SENSATIONAL CHARGES MADE AGAINST THE PENNSYL- 

VANIANS, 

"Philadelphia, Pa. , March 19, 1891. — Recent rev- 
elations at Mercer, Pa. disclosed the fact that the 
state of Pennsylvania has been robbed of more than 
$1,000,000 in mismanagement of the soldiers' 
orphans' school. The illegal profits of one of the ten 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 303 

big schools amounted to $270,000, and this school 
was one of the three that were controlled by a syn- 
dicate. 

(The names are here omitted.) 

"Considerable part of this sum may be recovered 
as the persons here named have retained $750,000 
of their profits. The statute of limitation does not 
work against the commonwealth. 

''The alleged gains appropriated by these men were 
acquired in direct violation of the law without con- 
tract of any kind." 

An Investigation Ordered. 

"Harrisburg, Pa., March 19. — Mr. P of Dela- 
ware county introduced a resolution in the house 
to-day, which was unanimously adopted, authorizing 
the appointment of a committee to consist of three 
members of the house and two senators to investigate 
the amounts expended by each of the soldiers' 
orphans' schools each year from 1875 ^^ 1891. 

"This is a result of the charges published in the 
'Philadelphia Record' this morning to the effect that 
recent revelations at Mercer, Pa., disclose the fact 
that the state had been robbed of over $1,000,000 in 
the management of the soldiers' orphans' schools. 

"The committee is directed to report the result of 
their investigations at as early a date as practicable. 
The senate subsequently concurred in the resolutions." 



304 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

THE COST AND THE VALUE OF NEW 
YORK'S CROTON AQUEDUCT. 

Extract from newspapers: "New York's Croton 
aqueduct has cost that city $26,000,000 of which all 
but $8,000,000 stuck to the fingers of the handlers of 
the fund." 



CAPITAL AND LABOR. COMMUNISM. 

The relation between Capital and Labor is thought 
by a large number of persons to be such a deep ques- 
tion, and so many different opinions are expressed 
regarding it, that enough matter could, probably, be 
gathered in to make a book quite interesting to them. 
This, however, will not be attempted. 

Capital and Labor, which often stare at each other 
with drawn daggers, are so intimately connected that 
they can not be separated; nor is it possible that 
their difficulties be adjusted, in any country, under 
the present state of civilization. Their reciprocal 
attitude can only be governed by the same natural 
law which regulates that of the supply and the demand, 
in all other cases. From time immemorial, and 
principally in the most civilized states, the scarcity 
of hands has increased, and the abundance of them 
has decreased, the premium on workmen, as it occurs 
for gold, wheat, corn, or any other commodity. 
Both Capital and Labor would cease to exist, for a 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 3O5 

time, immediately their operations would begin to be 
ruled according to the communistic ideas. 

The mere attempt, on the part of workmen or 
servants to dictate to their bosses is inconsistent witk 
the rights of individuals, and with justice and order; 
and whenever any one finds himself impelled to obey 
the command, or accept the regulations and rules, of 
his employees, it is time for him to quit business. 
Moreover, should at any time an equal division of 
all the property of the world or of any country be 
made among the people, how long after this would 
another repartition become necessary .'^ 

A French Communist, and enthusiastic tribune, 
once proposed, in a public speech, that all the wealth 
of his country be divided in equal shares among the 
population. "Let us commence by your own 
property," shouted out one in his audience. Then 
the speaker retorted : "I can not afford it, I am 
worth only one million francs; and I mean a division 
of the fortunes amounting to more than mine." Some 
persons are naturally inclined to communism when 
their own property is not in it, or when they have 
nothing. A great many individuals of communistic 
ideas have, no doubt, in late years, emigrated from 
Europe to America and accumulated large fortunes. 
But, are they still, now, communists.^ 

Communism in high civilization is but the outcome 
of a false democracy; nor is any condition adapted for 
it except a complete state of agriculture, in a very 
small community, governed by religion. 



306 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

It was possible, among the Hebrews, for a short 
period in the time of Abraham. 



ANARCHIAL TENDENCIES. 

GROWTH OF CRIME. INCOMPETENCY OF TRIBUNALS 

OF LAW. LYNCHING. 

The masses of the American people do not seem 
much alarmed by the deplorable condition of their 
politics; but notwithstandig their incredible feeling 
of indifference, it is evident that the evils, which 
always bring about the downfall of republics, have 
already made their appearance in the land of freedom, 
and are rapidly undermining its political edifice. If 
their free institutions were resting on a sound basis, 
why should there exist that bitter strife between 
political parties for public offices and spoils; why 
should the democrat and republican constantly spirt 
over one another the venom of their vicious animosi- 
ties; why should clubs or leagues of public safet}', 
of law and order, or protective associations, be formed, 
for the purpose of checking the growth of political or 
social corruption? These self-constituted bodies in 
exercising their censorship, over the acts of their 
legislators, is productive of no good but showing 
the existence of the evils complained of, and their 
lack of confidence in their own officials. 

What signify all those insults so often proffered 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 307 

against the President of the Commonwealth, and 
that hanging of State Governors by so-called law- 
abiding citizens? Are they not the forerunners of 
Anarchism? It is the state of public insecurity in 
the republic which has given rise to that army of 
private detectives, and of private policemen, such as 
were hired and armed by individuals to resist the 
attacks and demands of workmen at Homestead."^ 
In what country, except a republic, has a body of 
men ever been organized in times of peace, to perform 
the service of government troops without the order 
or consent of the legal authorities? Such extreme 
and arbitrary measures show how strongly the people 
feel that they have to depend on their own exertions 
to protect themselves. But are they not stamped with 
the seal of anarchy? However these abuses are but 
trifling incidents when compared to all the monstros- 
ities that affect the American Commonwealth, and 
any sensible man, open to conviction, can easily 
see that the Constitution is the very principle of the 
state of anarchy which has at last established itself 
in the country. What are we to say about that 
regime of lawlessness now carried in all parts of the 
republic? Is it not the precursor of approaching 
calamities, if effects can be safely traced to causes? 
How is it possible that, in a country which has re- 
ceived all the advantages of European civilization, 

* In the year 1892 a riot was carried 011 by wage workers against 
an iron manufacturer, at Homestead, Pennsylvania; and in the ab- 
sence of government troops, men pmiorminu; private detective or pa- 
trol service were called upon or hired to repel their attacks. 



30cS GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

not only ignorant or disreputable classes, but a great 
many people from the most respectable orders of 
society carry arms; that, not only men, but even 
women, indulge in shooting? Why a nmrderess should, 
in committing her crime, use poison, or other like 
means of destruction, can be explained by the weak- 
ness of her sex, while a man having recourse to such 
methods should be considered the meaner and the 
more cowardly; but, that she would have the manly 
hardihood or courage to carry or seize a pistol, the 
deliberate coolness of loading it with deadly bullets, 
the determination of pulling the trigger, and retain 
sufficient steadiness and vigor of nerve, not to miss 
her aim, illustrates the high degree of depravit}^ and 
desperation which some people are apt to attain under 
a regime of political or social license. This reminds 
us of Charlotte Corday who killed }>Iarat, under the 
French democracy. 

« 

To do them justice, however, it cannot be said 
that they are all hardened criminals, who handle fire 
arms. They use them, not always from wickedness, 
even when they fire first, but because they are con- 
scious of the necessity of protecting themselves, 
knowing that as every one is moved by the same 
feeling, they may, in any difhculty, be shot down, 
unless they be prompt to overthrow their adversary. 

It is the disrespect for laws and the w^eakness of 
the judicial branch of the state legislatures, that has 
caused the inexorable tribunal of Judge Lynch to be 
established. Until a few years ago, lynching had 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 309 

remained confined to the new territories lying beyond 
the frontiers of civilization, but it has, at last, grad- 
ually introduced itself into the union, and has kept 
pace with the growth of American civilization. It is 
now carried in many of the old states, and threatens 
to invade all parts of the Commonwealth, and take 
the place of jury trials in most criminal cases. The 
slow and unreliable administering of laws, the 
alleged unjust and unexpected rulings and verdicts 
from the courts, are the causes that incite mobs to 
assume the judicial power against the accused parties, 
for protecting the community against their own 
officials and juries whom they accuse of taking bribes 
for acquitting criminals. Nevertheless, lynching, 
however more effective and more economical than 
American law-courts, proves the more the incompe- 
tency of the democracy to deal with vices and crimes; 
for it is nothing less than murder in the first degree, 
whether or not its victims be guilty. 

What can be more shocking to humanity than that 
in one of the richest countries of the world, pretend- 
ing to enlighten all nations, and constantly boasting 
of their achievements, in times of peace and material 
prosperity, citizens of the great republic would rival 
the exploits of barbarians, in burning or devastating 
court houses, in taking prisons by assault and in 
dragging out, shooting or hanging, defenseless per- 
sons, like dogs, even after they have been acquitted 
by the law, and according to the Constitution. If 
an}' nation on earth sluMild enact a law that any 



310 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

person guilty of murder or other heinous crimes be 
hanged, shot down, or burned without any form of 
trial, would it not be denounced by all the world, as 
barbarous and most atrocious? And is not the carry- 
ing of such unlawful methods more cruel still than 
such law would be? Where is that protection of all 
individuals, the realization of those great principles of 
equality, liberty and fraternity, that are so strongly 
asserted by the declaration of man's rights, and the 
American Constitution? Both republicans and dem- 
ocrats always seem much concerned in the political 
affairs of Europe and especially of Russia, and pre- 
tend to know enough of them to express their opinions 
upon the policy of their governments. They show 
much sympathy for the Russian exiles, while they 
condemn the Czar's rule for sending them to Siberia; 
but they are blind to the atrocities that are practiced 
in their own country. Wh}' should they impute the 
punishment of criminals or political offenders in 
Europe to barbarism or despotism, when, in their 
democracy they allow prisoners and even innocent 
persons to be unmercifully put to death or tortured 
without even the beginning of a trial. It is no ex- 
aggeration to say that the American republic offers 
the world the gloomiest and the most hideous specta- 
cle that ever was exhibited by any government, since 
the times of Robespierre, as the licentious freedom 
of their institutions is gradually driving the people 
towards barbarism. All fair-minded people may 
reasonably wonder that such acts of ferocity and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 3II 

cowardice be perpetrated upon individuals; that 
society be thus disgraced and terrorized, with impu- 
nity, in presence of a president, a congress, forty-four 
legislatures, and forty-four governors, an army of 
lawyers, judges and other judiciary officials, far more 
numerous than those of the Western European 
nations combined. And, were it not known by the 
world, could it be credible that those patriots, in office, 
should look upon such horrible scenes with placidity 
of mind and should have the effrontery to draw out 
salaries from the government, and that mJllions of 
Sovereign-voters would manifest a most profound 
apathy in being confronted by such a regime of in- 
iquities? 

Yet, a great many citizens rise above this state of 
impassibility only to express their satisfaction or 
rejoice at such atrocities, and are so conceited and 
so vitiated as to ideas of liberty that they attribute 
the worst kind of anarchism to their strong nerve or 
to their abilities for free government, not conscious 
that they sanction, by their approbation of those acts, 
the violation of that very Constitution which they 
constantly proclaim as the only rule for a free and 
enlightened people. 

For proof of the assertions made, regarding crime 
and lawlessness, in the American republic, read the 
following article, containing a statement of a prom- 
inent American Judge touching that subject: 

The Kansas City Times, Kansas City, Missouri, 
Thursday, February, 9th 1893. 



312 governments and politicians, 

"Crime's Alarming Growth." 

"Judge I. C. Parker of the United States District 
Court at Fort Smith, Arkansas, has long been in a 
position to observe criminal instinct and its progress. 
Criminals by the score have been brought before his 
court at the eastern side of the Indian Territory and 
from it have gone dozens of men condemned to die 
for murder. Fort Smith has great notoriety for the 
number of official hangings that take place there. At 
no other point in America are as many murderers 
tried. 

"With an excellent knowledge of the growth of 
crime, Judge Parker's opinion on that vital subject 
is of more than ordinary interest With statistics at 
hand, he says that there has been a marked increase 
in the number of murders committed. In 1889 the 
known murders in the United States were 3,568. In 
1890 they reached 4,290, in 1891 the figure was 5,908 
and in 1892 it was 6,791. This is an alarming in- 
crease in view of the boasted growth of the nation's 
morals and intelligence. In four years over 20,000 
known murders have been committed in this country. 
The fault, says Judge- Parker, lies in the laxity of our 
laws. There is too much indifference, says he, too 
much sympathy, too much influence and too much 
boodle. 

"Judge Parker sets about to prove what he says in 
an ingenious but not logical manner. In 1890 only 
102 hangings accounted for the 4,290 murders com- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 3 I 3 

rnitted in that year, while the number of lynchings 
by mob law was 127. For 5,908 murders dune in 
1891 there were 128 legal hangings and 195 lynchings, 
a marked increase in mob law. In 1892 there were 
but 107 legal executions against the 6,971 murders, 
while the lynching reached 236. This, according to 
Judge Parker, proves that the people, unwilling to 
wait for the slow processes of the law, have taken 
affairs into their own hands. It would rather prove 
that the masses are also becoming imbued with the 
instinct of bloodthirstiness. Public unconcern at 
great crimes is growing. Accounts of butcheries that 
would have blanched the faces of men 100 years ago 
are calmly read by women and children of to-day. 
Human life, at the present rate of its decline in value, 
will soon be worth as little as in the time of Robes- 
pierre. 

"The court at Fort Smith, says Judge Parker, with 
a sort of grimness, rarely fails to convict when there 
is any good evidence of guilt. It has a way of getting 
there every time, as the melancholy records of the 
Fort Smith hangman will show. As a result, he 
argues, there have been but two lynchings in the 
territory under his jurisdiction in over eighteen years. 
Here is another point on which Judge Parker's argu- 
ment is lacking in sequence. The outlaws who infest 
the territory do not care enough for crime to lynch a 
criminal. The small proportion of the population 
which would take part in a lynching to restore law 
and order is unable to lay its hands on the murderers 
and thieves who connnit the crimes. 



314 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

"In a recent charge to the grand jury at Fort Smith 
Judge Parker set forth the statistics here quoted, to- 
gether with voluminous arguments to show that the 
vigorous enforcement of the law is the only protec- 
tion for the innocent. There must be more hard 
work among the officers, the judges and the jurors. 
Too many murderers are free to-day, he says, and 
to this fact is attributed the alarming growth of cap- 
ital crime. If the law were more vigorous there 
would be more thinking before the awful crime of 
killing a fellow being would be committed. 

"Again is it opportune to suggest that the churches 
of the country are not doing the work that they are 
expected to do. Temples of worship are springing 
up all over the land, yet unalterable, cold, figures 
say that murder is more frequent than ever. If the 
churches do their whole duty the law will not have as 
much to do. After moral law the law of man should 
be the rule. In the case of a murder the rule is re- 
versed, for it is only the shadow of the hangman's 
noose that drives the shivering, crouching wretch to 
the priest and his crucifix. 

''After Judge Parker's presentation of the growth of 
crime it is time for the churches of the country to 
take some concerted action toward getting at the 
people outside of their membership They should not 
let this assertion that only the law protects the inno- 
cent stand." 

This extract, from American papers, illustrates the 
development of deTnocracy into barbarism: 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 315 

FIRE FOR A BLACK FIEND. 

ANGRY TEXANS TORTURE AND BURN AN INHUMAN 

WRETCH. 

"Paris, Tex., Feb. 2. — Henry Smith, or Dowery, 
the negro fiend who brutally outraged and murdered 
a three year old girl, was burned at the stake this 
afternoon after he had been seared from head to feet 
with red hot irons. 

"After being bound the wretch was tortured for fifty 
minutes by red hot brands thrust against his quiver- 
ing body. Every groan from the fiend, every con- 
tortion, was cheered by the assembled people. 

"The first to apply the brands were the child's 
father, brother and two uncles. Beginning at the 
feet the red hot irons were placed on the victim's 
body inch by inch until they reached the crown of 
his head. Mercy was totally foreign to the torturers. 
Death and its arrival could not be too slow or terri- 
ble to satisfy their horrible desire for revenge. The 
shrieks of the negro were awful. Fiery brands were 
passed up and down his seared and bleeding back. 
His eyes were burned out and red hot irons were 
thrust down his throat. 

"The men of the Vance family having wreaked ven- 
geance, the crowd piled combustible material around 
the scaffold, placed cottonseed hulls about Smith, 
saturated everything, the apparently dead negro in- 
cluded, and then applied a lighted match. The negro 
rolled and wriggled and jumped out of the burning 



3l6 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

mass, only to be pushed back by the people nearest 
him. He tossed out again and was roped and pulled 
back. Hundreds of people turned away, but the vast 
crowd still looked calmly on. In a few minutes he 
was dead." 

Now read part of Section 2, of Article HI, of the 
Constitution, and its amendatory Article V. 

Article HI. The trial of all crimes, except in 
cases of impeachment shall be byjur}-; and such trial 
shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall 
have been committed. 

Article V. No person shall be held to answer for 
a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a 
presentment of indictment of a grand jury, except in 
cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the 
militia when in actual service in time of war or public 
danger; nor shall an}' person be subject for the same 
offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; 
nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a 
witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor 
shall private property be taken for public use, with- 
out just compensation. 

Now, you see, democrats and republicans, how in- 
consistent are 3'our actions with 3^our principles. The 
law of 3'our country gives you a command, and you 
disobey it. Consequently it is your original part of 
the Constitution that disqualifies you for trials by juries 
established and successfully carried by all monarchies, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 31/ 

and it is the same paradox that renders your institu- 
tions so weak that they can not justly and effectually 
deal with vices and crimes. 

When lynchers or their adherents attempt to justify 
themselves, by alluding to the quiet and orderly 
manner, in which illegal executions are carried on, 
in the republic, they can well be compared with those 
women who keep houses of prostitution, and mean- 
while, pretend to maintain in them order and respec- 
tability. 

This is not all. When thus confuted, instead of 
acknowledging their inconsistencies and their wrongs, 
they exclaim: "Public sentiment rules in this country." 
Public sentiment is good enough at the polls under a 
monarchy. But, where is the man so devoid of 
knowledge or common sense, as to deny that that 
very feeling is the meanest obstruction in the admin- 
istering of justice.-^ There is nothing more dangerous, 
in a democracy, than that capricious like or dislike, 
that love or hatred; it is injustice and disorder, it is 
anarchism itself. 

Are the Americans very certain that their lawless- 
ness shall remain confined to its present limit .^ Are 
they not aware of the disposition of most men to 
enlarge their domain of liberties, that the more free- 
dom they enjoy the more they desire, and the more 
they take when tlicrc is no restraining power over 
them.^ Can they not foresee that, if any class of 
citizens arc now allowed to assume the jnchciar\' power 
and decide upon the fati^ o\ any accused, the time 



3l8 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS^ 

will gradually and insensibly arrive when there shall 
be no safety whatsoever for any one in their land of 
freedom, when secret organizations or clubs shall be 
formed and arbitrarily remove from the world all 
those whom they may consider opposed, in any way, 
to their interests? The French democracy of Robes- 
pierre and Thomas Paine, of the last century, will, 
hereafter illustrate those monstrosities. What could 
be a worse reign of terror than that in which innocent 
and orderly people, as well as criminals, should be 
constantly exposed to the daggers of assassins? 
Although the American Constitution seems to have 
specially provided for the care of man's private inter- 
ests, no individual, under it, is more secure than the 
nation. 

Now, republicans and democrats, can you notice in 
any of the European monarchies such a reign of in- 
justice and disorders as exists in the American repub- 
lic? Can you cite a single case in which any prisoner, 
no matter how poor or guilty, is put to death, or even 
receives but a light penalty, without a trial under 
the monarchial rule, which you take so much pleas- 
ure to villify? It is now clearly demonstrated that 
the same principle that crowns a child, even in the 
cradle, protects a nation far better during his minority 
than does that which promotes a citizen to the chief- 
magistracy, however so great a statesman he may 
be. How can it be expected that laws be executed, 
and the dignity of a government be maintained, by a 
president, by governors, by judges, whose heads fall 
every few years ? 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 319 

The rigid and just administering of the laws, is of 
greater importance to a people, than electioneering 
or frequent changes in the personnel of the govern- 
ment ; therefore the Constitution of the United States, 
in its most vital points, is far better carried into 
effect by any of the European monarchies than by 
the American democracy. How can we respect a 
political institution which can not command respect, 
or reasonably cherish a political institution, which, 
although it guarantees to every State in the Union a 
republican form of government, fails to protect 
society? 

If this is not deemed sufficient to refute Thomas 
Paine's nonsensical "Man's Rights"'^ which were con- 
sidered unanswerable by most of the republicans, 
much more can be said upon that subject. 

A class of native Americans, while acknowledging 
that the administering of the laws in monarchies is 
far superior to that of their republic, frequently burst 
out saying: "It is the foreigners who cause all the 
mischief among us; our Constitution is right, and we 
natives, reared by native parents, and educated in 
our public schools, are capable to live and behave 
well under it; but the Europeans are not competent 
for democratic institutions. Nor should they be 
admitted to American citizenship before understand- 

* "Man's Rights'" is the title of a book written by Thomas Paine, 
an enthusiastic but absurd sophist, in defense of the principles of the 
Republican Party of France, in the last century against a pamphlet 
published by Edmund Burke, of England. Burke's views proved 
true, and those of Paine, false. 



320 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ing the theory or the spirit of our Constitution or of 
our government, in genera] ; and they ought to live 
among us long before knowing our ways perfectly, 
and conducting themselves properly." Why should 
foreigners have to live in the United States so long a 
time, to understand the ways of the natives and the 
principles of their institutions? It would be far 
better for the nation, should foreigners never look at 
the Constitution; for no sooner have they thrown a 
glance at it, than they see in it a possible chance of 
their making a living out of the government without 
work Although it appears from all the different 
opinions, and modes of interpreting the American 
Constitution, that it is such an enigma that but very 
few oracular minds in the country can explain it, 
it is observed that the greatest fault of foreigners or 
of naturalized citizens, in the American democracy, 
lies in their sufficient knowledge of that Constitution 
which they propose to use to their best individual 
advantage, as do most of the natives. It is true that 
they were brought up in principles of restraint, and 
educated to respect the established authority of their 
respective countries, but they very soon acquire the 
ways of the land of the free from the moment that 
they land on its shores. 

The native's dissatisfaction with foreigners has 
sprung up from another cause than the incompetency 
of the latter for free government. At a time when there 
was, in the United States, a great scarcity of hands 
for the amount of work to be performed in all branches 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 32 I 

of industry, the Americans were exhibiting much con- 
cern in the condition of the working classes of the 
European countries, and were cordially inviting them 
to their republic ostensibly for improving their con- 
dition. Under their boastful pretense of emancipating 
mankind from royal despotism, ignorance, pauperism 
and vice, men of various characters from all coun- 
tries on earth, were allowed to find asylum under the 
Stars and Stripes, and yet American statesmen, and 
the press, until lately, have always expressed a favora- 
ble opinion of their behavior. The truth of the matter 
is; the foreigners were to them, at that time, a great 
source of revenue; and it is only in the last few years 
that the natives commenced finding fault with them, 
at that very time, when the inequality of fortunes 
was rapidly establishing itself in the country. A 
republic that had espoused the cause of all dangerous 
fanatics and political agitators, in the countries of 
Europe, should have naturally expected to be visited 
by men of anarchial propensities. However the char- 
acteristics of the average emigrant from Europe of 
to-day, are not worse than at any time since the re- 
public was founded; but there is a vast difference in 
the circumstances of the country. When all labor- 
ing men in the United States, either foreign or natives 
could find plenty of work to do constantly, they could 
behave themselves well enou^li, while boastinc of 
being the kings of the nation. But for many years 
past, thousands of foreigners have landed on the 
American shores to find themselves incapable of earn- 



322 GOVERiNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ing a livelihood. It is not alone the constant increase 
of labor-saving facilities in industry or in manufactur- 
ing, which is detrimental to the working classes. So 
many men depend on political plums and soft snaps, 
that industry is considerably neglected. The re- 
sources of the country, being developed but on the 
surface, are, in a measure, paralyzed by abuses. 
Moreover, as the wealth of the nation is flowing in 
the hands of but a few individuals, it is reasonable 
to believe that the monopolizing influences of politics 
are greatly opposed, in all professions and all 
branches of industry, to the interest of those who are 
not professional politicians. 

It is now time for Americans to perceive that there 
are, in their republic, too many men among both 
natives and foreigners, attempting to thrive on 
politics alone; nor until they shall arrive to this con- 
clusion, shall they be worthy of comparison, even 
with the ancient Egyptians, for political wisdom. If 
their Constitution is failing at a time when their 
country has no more than twenty inhabitants to the 
square mile, what shall be its effects on the people, 
when their population shall have greatly increased, 
can not be determined. This is certain; the old 
assertion that, the principles of their institutions 
would stimulate the growth of the countr}', can no 
longer be maintained, and is now refuted by the fact 
that their alleged advantages have brought with them 
fresh difficulties, which now confront. the nation and 
bid fair to develop into issues far more serious than 
the tariff or other such questions. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 323 

In this regime of bitter strifes, tribulations, and 
acrimonious disappointments, it is natural enough for 
the people to be dissatisfied with their state of affairs. 
If some natives have changed their feelings towards 
foreigners, on the other hand, the latter, in opening 
at leisure their eyes to reason, find more faults, more 
abuses, and more tyranny, than they have experienced 
in the European countries, or have been imputed by 
Paine and Victor Hugo to monarchies; and conse- 
quently, they think themselves justified to enjoy the 
unbounded freedom of speech, promised them at the 
outset, by Americans themselves, by running down 
in all manners the institutions of the great democracy. 

Almost all nations have their great share of vanity 
and self-esteem; but nowhere can be found a set of 
men so conceited, and so bombastic, as are seen in 
the United States. When they are not engaged in 
making money, or talking of money, or clothes or 
horses, they devote their leisure time in praising 
themselves, and boasting of their achievements. Had 
they been the creators of their country, and if all its 
large crops of corn and wheat, its tremendous herds 
of cattle, and its mines of all kinds, were the products 
of their intellect, they could not be more pretentious, 
more proud, and more arrogant, than they are now. 
Attributing the rapid development of their country 
to their superiority over all nations, in intelligence, 
in education, and in behavior, calling themselves the 
modern Saxon people, they seem disposed to impress 
others that they were chosen, and set aside by Prov- 



324 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

idence, as models for all nations; that possessing all 
the good, but none of the vices, of mankind, they can 
never be induced into the temptation of doing any 
wrong for any consideration. And, while they hold 
the foreigners responsible for all their evils, they 
claim themselves all the credit for their country's ad- 
vancement. 

These prejudiced individuals seem sometimes 
horrified by the misdemeanors of foreign residents or 
of naturalized citizens. Nothing is more amusing 
than to observe them, on some occasions, assuming 
their airs of philanthropy, of dignity, of outraged 
innocence, of sanctity, of angelic chastity, posing as 
the censors of the people's conduct, as public bene- 
factors, infallible counselors and world enlighteners. 
In exhorting foreign elements to good behavior and 
to the practicing 01 virtue, they earnestly recommend 
them to study the Constitution and the laws of the 
United States, that no one knows nor shall ever know, 
that but a few respect or shall ever respect. Some 
of them are so silly as to suggest to Congress the 
advisability of exacting from every immigrant a 
certificate of good conduct before admitting him in 
the holy family. They seem to ignore that the same 
individuals who may deserve such certificate in 
Europe, may become mischievous immediately he 
touches the land of freedom, and merely because the 
criminal laws are well administered under monarchies, 
but not under the American democracy. Notwith- 
standing all this, they want the world to believe that 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 325 

were it not for the vices of all those foreign paupers, 
anarchists and malefactors, their republic would be 
stamped with the seal of Heaven. Such ostentatious 
outbursts can not but render them ridiculous in the 
eyes of the world, and of the better portion of the 
native Americans. 

Generosity and charity are easy virtues, in theory, 
but have no merit, when practiced for revenue. If 
the American people, at the outset of their republic, 
were animated by such philanthropic feelings as to 
declare themselves the champions of public liberty, 
and the healers of human sufferings and vice, why 
should they desist from persevering in their noble 
endeavor.^ They should better afford now to exercise 
their liberality towards mankind, than at any time 
in the past since the declaration of their independence, 
for their incomparable inheritance has yielded them 
enough treasure to place them at the head of all the 
wealthiest nations of the globe. Are they not prov- 
ing untrue to their principles, and to their solemn 
promises, when, born in opulence, they scorn the 
very class that gave them birth, and are now exposed 
by their circumstances to the rigors of fortune.^ 

Is it by employing their wealth in carrying on a 
style of splendor and extravagance, by seeking the 
company or the acquaintance of the European aris- 
tocracy, or nobility, or by buying foreign titles for 
their daughters that those democrats intend to exe- 
cute their original plans of emancipation and enlight- 
enment? 



326 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

However mankind, with all its faults is magnani- 
mous enough to relieve the native citizens of the great 
American republic from all their pledges of benevo- 
lence, and can excuse them for acting inconsistently 
with their declaration of man's rights. Every nation 
in the world has commenced learning that their 
democracy exists in print, but not in the hearts. 
People abroad are well aware of the fact that the 
party of native Americans, clamoring so loud against 
the foreign element of their population, have no 
ground to find fault with them, but the intensity of 
rivalry for political offices and keen competition in 
all branches of industry, trades, professions and com- 
merce. Moreover they know that Americans have 
nothing to spare, or give other nations, but need all 
their energies to correct their own evils, and all the 
income of their vast amount of riches to support the 
extravagant and costly system of their republic, by 
gratifying the greediness of their patriots, and keep- 
ing their army of politicians in idleness, in clover 
and in plums. 

Be it as it may, it can not be, in a population of 
upwards of sixty million, the casual appearance of a 
few political cranks, such as were the Chicago anar- 
chists, or other fanatics of like character, that imperil 
the American Commonwealth. Nevertheless, the 
most dangerous elements of the republic often exclaim: 
"We feel proud of our country, of our Washington, 
and of our Jefferson; and the fact that our govern- 
ment has stood for more than a hundred years, goes 



-. V « 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 32/ 

far to prove the competency of all native Americans 
for it. " It is impossible not to recognize the excellence 
of a vast number of citizens, in the United States; 
and as to the natural advantages of the country, 
they are well known by the world; but it is not less 
true, that its political institutions are very defective. 
Civic virtue, it is said in the beginning, is the most 
essential requirement of a democracy, and without 
that virtue, democracy is a failure. Nothing is more 
clearly demonstrated than that the institutions of the 
republic, viz.: the elective system, the tribunals of 
justice, the press, and most of the schools, are the 
cause of all the woes of the people. Amidst such a 
concourse of tremendous evils, it is evident that the 
wonderful nature of the country, and of the nation's 
circumstances, enables rapacious politicians to thrive, 
and rejoice over a Constitution, that favors or en- 
courages their iniquities. But were the Common- 
wealth depending on their patriotism or integrity, 
how long yet could it maintain itself.^ And is it an 
honor that it stands in a state of corruption.? They 
have the right to be proud of their ancestors and 
cherish their memory. In republics, to public spirit, 
chiefly belongs national glory. The statesmen or the 
citizens, who remain true to their trusts, and the 
valiant defenders of popular rights deserve more ven- 
eration than philosophers, or the most famous con- 
querors. Such were some of the old Roman demo- 
crats, and such were the forefathers of Americans, those 
illustrious men, who have inimortuli/cd their names 



328 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

by their sacrifices and their virtues. But now demo- 
crats and repubhcans, what would your Washington, 
your Jefferson, and other authors of your Constitu- 
tion say, if raised alive from the dead? Would they 
be very proud of all of you ? Would they find your 
behavior in harmony with their principles? What 
would they think of that demagogery, of that bitter 
strife for money and power, of that licentiousness 
under the appellation of liberty, and of that mutual 
hatred, under the boast of fraternity ? 

Far from thinking all foreigners, whether ignorant 
or educated, capable of properly governing themselves 
under such free institutions as those of the American 
democrac}^ it is again asserted, right here, that so 
large a number of them are, naturally and otherwise 
mischievous, that not only a strong restraining power 
is wanted over them to protect society, but they are 
apt to commit the most heinous crimes that could be 
imagined, even in monarchies, which chiefly depend 
on the prompt and rigid administering of the laws to 
preserve justice and order. Therefore, as such is 
the case, how can any one reasonably manifest any 
surprise at their failure to behave well under a politi- 
cal Constitution, which supposes every individual 
adapted for free government. The native Americans 
would have the right to impute all their political or 
social difficulties to the foreigners, were they all 
themselves patriots, or free from vice or crime. Are 
they all like their virtuous ancestors, or better than 
the most depraved foreigners? Let us see whether 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 329 

or not they all have the right to claim a superiority 
in virtues and in good conduct over all other people: 
Who are those bandits that conceive and carry out 
the diabolical designs of wrecking passenger trains 
on railroads, and killing large numbers of innocent 
people, for robbing them, or taking revenge on a few 
individuals; those other daring, yet cowardly, 
brigands, distinguished by the surname of "hero," 
that bring the most powerful locomotives to a stop, 
and order people on board to lift up their hands, for 
plundering the mails, express agencies, passengers, 
and tear the ears of your fainting wives and children 
to secure their last ornaments; are they not all natives? 
Who are all those individuals of supposed exemplary 
conduct; public educators, newpaper editors, jurists, 
statesmen and politicians, who scandalize the world, 
by vomiting upon one another the dregs of their 
vituperation, by their shooting affrays and murders; 
are they foreigners or natives? Those ravishers of 
virtuous women and little girls, those kidnappers of 
children whom they hold at ransom; those shysters 
that always endeavor to promote litigation by stirring 
up troubles, those blackmailers and sharpers that 
live in luxury without work or apparent means of 
support; those physician-poisoners, killing at short or 
long range ; those precocious youths, and hardened 
criminals at the age of sixteen years, who murder for 
stealing a few dollars to procure tobacco, whiskey 
and prostitutes, tell us frankly, honest x\mericans, 
are they all foreigners or almost all natives? Those 



330 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

reputed orderly or law-abiding citizens, who under a 
mask, despite your Constitution, and in face of all 
your tribunals of law, are despotic enough to usurp 
the judiciary power, and before the World and Heaven, 
so daring and so barbarous as to massacre or torture 
defenseless persons; are they not almost all natives? 
Those bribed judges and juries, if any, those pre- 
tended patriots and philanthropists, who have robbed 
the cities of New York, Chicago, Philadelphia and 
others of millions and millions of dollars, those ab- 
sconding and defaulting bank cashiers, and city, 
county and state treasurers, trusted for their virtues, 
who rob the people, including poor widows and 
orphans; are they foreigners or natives? 

Oh! democrats and republicans of America, you 
are asked to answer one or two more questions: Do 
those classes of criminals, come out from religious 
schools, which you are pleased to call the schools of 
ignorance and superstition? Are they not almost all 
pupils of your public schools, the products of your 
broad gauge institutions, the most enthusiastic 
admirers of your free Constitution, and the most 
vigorous opponents to strong government? Are they 
not among the eulogists of Thomas Paine, who exalt 
him above all the wisest and best men that ever 
lived, and even Jesus Christ? 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 331 

THE STATUE OF BARTHOLDI. 

SCIENCES, ART, LITERATURE, INVENTIONS, 
FINANCES, POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE. 

The French people, in presenting the Americans 
with the Statue of Bartholdi, have but manifested their 
usual disposition to munificence and adulation. 
Whether they were, in this action, actuated by 
motives of mere speculation or whether they felt 
themselves scrupulously bound by duty to acknowl- 
edge in the American people their pretended abilities 
of successfully carrying the principles of democracy, 
which they themselves had once inaugurated at home, 
but failed to preserve, is not ascertained. 

Be the case as it may, that gift could not have 
been the token of gratitude for any favors or acts of 
benevolence; as the Americans had never rendered 
the French any service. But, on the contrary, the 
latter had been the benefactors of the former, for it 
is not doubted that the Americans could not have so 
soon secured their independence, had the French not 
espoused their cause against England. 

The Americans, in acceptin^r the statue of Bartholdi, 
and setting it up on a pedestal in the port of New 
York, as the S3anbol of their superior wisdom and 
civilization, have simply erected a monument to Art, 
which France far more deserves than the United 
States is entitled to the exalted credit of enlightening 
the world, politically or otherwise. 



332 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

In what branches of learning the American people 
excel most of the European nations, they say not. Let 
them bear in mind that, generally, merit is modest 
and mediocrity brags of its achievements; and as they 
are justly indebted to a share of the world's regard, 
they should the more refrain from self-praise. It is 
universally known that many useful discoveries have 
been made in the American republic; and this could 
be naturally expected in a new and advantageous 
country, opening the broadest field of industry to the 
most civilized and most populous nations of the earth. 

It was well said, once, that necessity, principally, 
was the mother of inventions. Inventive genius, con- 
cerning mechanical arts is stimulated by difficulties to 
be surmounted and by the scarcity of hands, and 
discouraged by the opposite circumstances. 

The first sewing machine was invented in France 
by Barthelemy Thimonier, 1830. After he had set 
up about eighty machines, in Paris, making military 
clothing, his establishment was wrecked by a crowd 
of infuriated tailors. However the inventor was not 
discouraged by this; and he obtained a new patent 
on an improved instrument, which he also introduced 
into England. But he met no more success here 
than in his native country, simply because, in densely 
populated countries, labor-saving machines were not, 
at that time, deemed necessary. 

The failure of this ingenious invention, both in 
France and in England, was not likely to encourage 
other m.echanical discoveries, in any of the European 
countries. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 333 

Evidently, it is easily seen that the inventing of 
thrashing-machines, or of other such labor-saving 
instruments, besides the sewing-machines, in the 
United States of America, w^ere due to necessities 
resulting from the scarcity of hands, rather than being 
attributable to the intellectual superiority of a people 
over others. Nor is it to be disputed that in inany 
cases, foreigners, were, in that country, the real 
authors of many important inventions made in the 
name of native Americans, who furnibhed the capital 
for the success of such enterprises. 

The Telegraph was not only the production of 
Samuel Morse's genius. Many individuals of various 
countries had, before his time, made discoveries lead- 
ing to it; and his contemporaries accomplished enough 
towards it to insure its success; and Morse himself 
had spent four years of his most laborious studies in 
the scientific schools of England. 

The use of the Telephone was introduced by Alex- 
ander Graham Bell, a native of Scotland, then resi- 
dent in the United States; and Philip Reis of Fried- 
richsdorf had advanced some valuable theories upon 
that subject. 

Steam-engines were known before the Christian 
era, but very little progress was made, in this line, 
till the seventeenth century, b^rom that time, a 
large number of scientists made wonderful discoveries 
concerning the use o( steam. 

It is in the Forth and CMyde Canal, in Scotland, 
that the first steam-boat was successfullv tried; this 



334 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

was soon followed by another moved by side paddle- 
wheels; they were the inventions of two Scotchmen, 
William Symmington and Henry Bell, respectively. 
Afterwards the American, Robert Fulton, aided by 
Boulton and Watt of Great Britain, constructed one 
on a greatly improved model, which navigated on the 
Hudson river. 

Railways were used in England upwards of two 
centuries ago for the transportation of coal from the 
mining districts to the seashore. At first their rail- 
ways were made of oak; the first improvement on 
this was a flat wrought iron rail, and after this came 
the cast iron rail with an inside side-flange. Then 
appeared the cast iron edge rail raised above the 
ground and the flanged cast iron wheel. This was 
succeeded by the wrought iron rail, 1820, To Sir 
Henry Bessemer, English engineer, the world is in- 
debted for the valuable and cheap process of making 
steel known as Bessemer steel. The first locomotives 
were constructed in England and traveled between 
Manchester and Liverpool, 1829. 

Some people are of the opinion that electricity was 
a discovery of but a few years ago, and the result of 
one man's intellectual effort. Nevertheless, Aristotle, 
Pliny, Thales of Miletus and other noted individuals 
of ancient times, tell us that electricity was known 
600 B. C. But, as a science, it made no progress 
between the fifth and sixteenth centuries of our era. 
To the Americans, the French, the English and the 
Germans, is the world owing the most for its modern 
discoveries. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 335 

Not only in this branch, but in all other scientific 
or artistic subjects have the ancients contributed to 
modern civilization, with this difference however: 
The ancients had to originate principles, and the 
moderns having the experience of the past ages are, 
in a great measure, guided by them in their own pro- 
ductions. 

As to elevators in buildings, they appear to be 
American inventions; but, though they are thought 
very convenient by many, they are considered by 
others very objectionable on account of their being- 
very costly and a source of constant expense, of 
danger to life, and of damage suits. 

Electric or cable railways in the commercial parts 
of very populous cities, present similar advantages 
and disadvantages. 

Judging from their effects, can it be said that such 
discoveries are not extravagant, and can really pro- 
mote the happiness of a people? This is certain: 
They have a tendency to relax their natural energies. 
Since they are in vogue, in the United States, most 
of the people in cities can hardly walk the distance 
of a quarter of a mile, or go up or down one flight of 
stairs. • 

A regime of civilization, constantly endeavoring to 
develop the caprices of men and gratify all their de- 
sires, is inconsistent with the policy of any govern- 
ment that intends to rear a vigorous or military nation. 

The best and finest wcarinq; and furnishing- i?oods 
are manufactured in Europe, and European cities 



336 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

lead the world in styles and fashions. Printing was 
invented there, and powder, in China. 

Abstract sciences, fine arts and literature are the 
chief attributes of a high civilization. France, Eng- 
land, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Italy and Switzer- 
land, excel in those careers. Americans are hardly 
worthy of a parallel even with the Russians, the 
Spaniards, the Dutch and the Swedes. 

There are, in the United States, many skilled 
architects, engineers and painters, but a large number 
of them have made their professional studies in the 
schools of Europe. The Americans, though erecting 
some magnificent buildings, have no architectural 
style of their own. All their most important struct- 
ures and even those of the Columbian Exposition, at 
Chicago, however so beautiful, have been designed 
according to the various styles of the European 
countries. 

Americans enabled by their wonderful talents to 
produce master-pieces in literary productions, are no 
longer impelled to have recourse to English authors 
or to translations from foreign languages for interest- 
ing reading, upon all subjects. They have a Long- 
fellow, a Hawthorne, a Whittier, a Prescott, and 
many others. However these are only a few of a 
large number equally as brilliant as them, but almost 
ignored or unfavorably known by the world. The 
main fault of almost all American literati is to 
write for immediate or quick profits; and to attain 
their object they see nothing better than to substitute 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 337 

high sounding phraseology, superficiality and mere 
sensationalism for deep study, research and logic. 
And the seal of the Dollar that characterizes their 
compositions, makes them unpopular, and is often 
the chief cause of their financial failure. Nothing 
can more exhibit their lack of patriotism than the 
absence of a national history capable to arouse the 
enthusiasm of the reader. Even their Muses, not 
less related to Supernaturalism than those of other 
nations, yielding to the influences of the times, descend 
from Parnassus to mix with republicans and dem- 
ocrats in the field of politics and speculative schemes. 

The Americans excel all the nations of Europe for 
Dentistry, but the Europeans are superior to them 
in Obstetrics, according to their respective require - 
ments. 

If the American people had been led by their insti- 
tutions to cultivate their talents for good purposes, 
they would, no doubt, make a better use of the won- 
derful advantages which have been so lavishly be- 
stowed upon them by nature and by the monarchies 
of Europe. Excellent education and public spirit, 
in dividing their attention between riches and other 
estimable objects, would suggest to them ideas of 
moderation and economy, and, aided by the happiest 
circumstances in the world, would enable them, at 
least, to govern the Money-Market of nations. If 
they excel not Europeans, as financiers, how can 
they maintain their claims, in any capacity, to a 
superiority over them, when mono)- itself is the chief 
subject of all their studies and exertions? 



338 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

How many millions and billions have their crops, 
their mines, and their manufactures yielded them in 
the last hundred years? To one not thoroughly 
acquainted with the magnitude of their source of 
supply in almost all commodities of life, the sum 
would seem merely fabulous. Meantime the neces- 
saries which they have to import are very insignifi- 
cant, when compared with their exports. What are 
these necessaries but, tea, coffee, cinnamon, pepper 
and the like? 

It is true that the United States is now richer, 
even in accumulated wealth, than either England or 
France. But is not this phenomenon the triumph 
of the country's resources over its bad government? 
Why is it that financial panics so often occur in that 
country? There is always a great deal of money in 
the republic, but its scarcity in circulation, at times, 
is owing to the existence of a set of individuals, 
allowed to carry on the profession of speculating on 
the people's circumstances, to the uncertainty of 
politics, to the strifes of political parties and of indi- 
viduals for power, and to the improper or corrupt 
administration of public affairs. Do the people be- 
lieve that the associations of speculators with govern- 
ment officials, for the purpose of defrauding them, 
have ceased since the times of the Star Route and 
Whiskey Ring scandals? Monopolists, in all lines, 
may put up all sorts of jobs on the intelligent people 
of the United States; they may wreck fortunes for 
monopolizing, and inflate their values, when they have 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 339 

monopolized them. Is this practice not incessantly 
carried throughout the country, on wheat, corn, pork, 
stocks of all kinds, and even on silver and gold? 

The policy of the Russian Czar and of the German 
Emperor, in seeing that prices be not extrava- 
gantly raised on wheat and other absolute commodi- 
ties, forms a striking contrast with the regime of 
rapacity to which the sovereign people of the Amer- 
ican republic are constantly subjected, and is another 
strong proof that monarchy affords nations far greater 
protection than any republic, or "the government by 
the people." But republican or democratic dema- 
gogues will characterize those Emperors' concern for 
the masses, as autocratic, despotic and inconsistent 
with the advanced democratic ideas of this nineteenth 
century. 

Nor is it doubted that millions upon millions are 
incessantly wasted. How is that money expended? 
Very little, it is presumed, is paid out for titles of 
nobility, because not enough of them are for sale. 
Is it for railroads and other enterprises? But all the 
labor, and all the materials, required for them are 
secured in the republic; it was even twenty-five years 
ago that railroad rails ceased to be imported from 
foreign countries. Besides, foreign capital has been, 
and is yet considerably employed in building up the 
country, and great shares of its improvements are 
owned by foreigners. 

They may say that their civil war has left thoni in 
debt for nearly three billions. This aiiiount. how- 



340 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

ever so great, is small yet, when the revenue of the 
country, since that time, is considered. Tt is not 
intended here to repeat all the utterances of a great 
many Americans expressing the opinion that that war 
could have easily been ended in its second year. They 
are too terrible to be mentioned without positive 
evidence. Nevertheless, the removal of George Mc- 
Clellan from the command of the Northern armies, 
after he had forced Lee to recross the Potomac, by the 
battle of Antietam, can be fairly compared with the 
accusation brought against Miltiades, in Greece, after 
winning the battle af Marathon. If the condemnation 
of one is not always just after his defeat, it is strongly 
presumable that, after his victory, it is suggested by 
envy, jealousy, or by infernal plots. 

A frugal mode of life, we have seen, is the only 
regime consistent with a wise democracy. This was, 
for a short period, the rule of the Greek and Roman 
republics; but in the state of infancy of the American 
democracy the people must have the finest clothing, 
silks, and the most costl}' luxuries. Moreover, while 
they boast of their intellectual superiorit3^ they put 
on their magnificent style with the manufactured pro- 
ducts of those very monarchial nations which they 
ridicule and pretend to enlighten. Hardly anything 
can be more astonishing and more significant than 
that some of these peoples, not having near enough 
to eat at home, but being compelled to work to pro- 
cure food, and buy it principally in the United States, 
are, meantime, the bankers of the world, and even 
the creditors of Americans. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 34 1 

Injudicious financiers, spendthrifts and wreckless 
speculators, no matter how much money passes 
through their hands, are always in pressing want of 
it, always clamor for it, and always hope for better 
times to come. It is quite interesting to notice the 
people in the United States almost constantly com- 
plaining of the scarcity of money. Before 1888 the 
people were finding fault with the government be- 
cause its coffers were overflowed with gold. Soon 
after Mr. Harrison's election to the presidency that 
money was freely put into circulation, and afterwards 
they cursed his administration for having emptied the 
treasury. 

In the spring of every year the entire population 
seems destitute and eagerly awaits the conversion of 
their large crops into money. They sometimes ex- 
press earnest wishes for a general war among the 
nations of Europe, that they may sell them their pro- 
duce at high prices; and often say that the President 
should call a special meeting of Congress to relieve 
them from financial distress-. It is, however, an 
error for them to expect that their interests can be 
substantially promoted by a special act of legislation. 
When politics has been ruinous to a country, true 
and lasting prosperity can only be brought to it by a 
long period of wise government. 

Not only the French, the English and the Ger- 
mans, but all the nations of Europe have proved 
far better financiers tluin the Americans, when the 
means at their. disposals arc respectively considered. 



342 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

How can the Americans justify their pretensions 
to excel all other nations in political knowledge? 
All causes are generally judged by their effects. Even 
previous to the time of President Andrew Jackson, 
American politicians had commenced begging for 
public offices and attempted or succeeded to live cut 
of the government. When they want a position they 
all pretend to favor public interests, but when they 
have it, too many of them are, body and soul, for 
themselves. This at least, is the extent of their polit- 
ical science, saying nothing of corruption. The 
masses, while acknowledging the existence of deplor- 
able evils, see nothing better than to submit to the 
abuses and tyranny of their public officials or politi- 
cians, who call them cattle or otherwise insult them 
in the bargain. 

When, in a great civilized country, we contemplate 
that mass of people moving about in all directions, 
of different ideas and dispositions, but every one of 
whom, having a single object in view, that of his own 
personal interests, and using his best endeavors to 
surpass all others by accumulating riches, we must 
necessarily admit that democracy is not adapted for 
such a state and is but an Utopia in principle, and 
a scourge in practice. Nothing can more illustrate 
the incompetency of the masses for free government, 
in any country, than the necessity of placing, at the 
crossings of the main streets, in large cities, police- 
men with clubs in hands to maintain order and pro- 
tect the rights of every individual. Were the people 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 343 

deprived of such means of protection against their 
selfishness, they would be constantly fighting and 
slaughtering one another. 

The rapid material progress of the republic, which 
a great many attribute to their political wisdom, is, 
we have observed, but the effect of causes entirely 
foreign to their institutions. The largeness of their 
territory, their state of infancy, and their great natural 
resources still enable the people to preserve their dem- 
ocratical Constitution, and are, in the opinion of pro- 
fessional politicians and ignorant persons, sufficient 
substitutes for patriotism. Under these happy circum- 
stances, aided by their false and dangerous notions of 
politics, they have steadily grown with the country, 
selfish, daring and rapacious, till at last, the principal 
achievements of their democratic institutions have 
been laxity of laws, lynching, political and social 
corruption, a lack of mutual confidence, an epidemic 
of divorces, crimes of all sorts, decrease of births, a 
government so effete and so indifferent, and a regime 
so extravagant and so reckless, that resources capa- 
ble of supporting many hundred million inhabitants, 
hardly suffice for their small population. 

Evidently it is not the dim light of the Statue of 
Bartholdi that enlightens the world; and it can well 
be said here that the Americans have received the 
greatest inheritance on eailh, high civilization, un- 
paralleled advantages, wealth, talent and genius. 
They lack one thing, "A government." 



344 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

IS THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC ECONOAII- 
CALLY ADMINISTERED? 

The press, sometimes, treats upon the economical 
administration of the democracy in comparison with 
the monarchial rule, and at other times relates to 
the great expenditures which the people have to make 
for exercising their Sovereign prerogative. Their 
estimate of cost of the last presidential election 
amounted to twenty-two million dollars, including 
both the republican and the democratic conventions 
held for nominating their respective candidates. Can 
they state the price of all their other elections, in the 
course of four 3'ears.'' Now the financial losses in- 
curred by the people, through their periodical stagna- 
tion both in commerce and industry resulting from 
the frequency of elections, the uncertaint}' of their 
politics, the incessant changes in the personnel of 
their government, the unforeseen or unreliable poli- 
cies of new men in office and their lack of practical 
competence, at least for a time, can not of course 
be computed; but, considering the magnitude and 
the value of their country's interests, they must cer- 
tainl}' be enormous. When, to this vast amount are 
added their expenses of keeping their politicians in 
money and in high spirit, the most extravagant law- 
courts on earth, an army of lawyers, shysters, judges 
and other officials far larger than the nation needs, 
not even speaking of all pensions paid out, can it be 
said that the American democracy is economically 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 345 

administered? At any rate, their total expenditures, 
including waste and loss, setting aside all the robber- 
ies, must, no doubt, exceed the cost of the mainte- 
nance of the two geatest European monarchies. But, 
what is this, when their wealth, and their Sovereign 
privilege of voting frequently, are considered? 



INCONSISTENCIES. 

It is quite entertaining to hear some politicians 
boasting of their individual power as sovereigns; they 
say: "In our country, we are not governed; no 
American would ever tolerate any rule over him." 
That this assertion is true can not be denied. Intel- 
ligent people of all nations know that the Americans 
are not governed, nor is there the least doubt in their 
minds that a large amount of the population in the 
republic are opposed to the existence of any govern- 
ment worthy of the name. But, while they acknowl- 
edge that they are not governed, it becomes hilarious 
to notice their inconsistencies, in adding, that under 
their Constitution, the people govern, all individuals 
govern, and every citizen is a king. They all com- 
mand, but no one wants to obey; yet obedience is 
more essential to the maintenance of a sound govern- 
ment and the prosperity of a nation, than command- 
ing. 

It is in their controversies or discussions with for- 
eigners touching the merits of political ir.sLitulions, 



34^ GOVERNiMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

that the Americans most exhibit their inconsistencies, 
and their departure from their principles. While 
their Constitution gives all people the liberty of pub- 
lishing or expressing all sorts of ideas and opinions, 
and while the press and individuals bitterly denounce 
the monarchial principles for restraining the liberties 
of speech and publications, they sometimes become 
incensed and even enraged at a foreigner that dares 
to find fault with their government. They are not 
offended by his alluding to the corruption of politics, 
for they acknowledge that themselves, but still, they 
are only the more inconsistent to censure him for im- 
puting the evil to their free institutions. 

Finding it impossible to refute their adversary's 
logic, they immediately enter into personalities ex- 
claiming: "If you were talking that way in Russia, 
they would send you to Siberia; if you do not like 
this country, why do you stay in it?" The press, the 
statesman, the old woman, the school-boy and the 
school-girl, have nothing else to say in responding 
to sound arguments on this subject, and seem to be 
at their wit's end after such utterances. They look 
around them with an air of dignity, coveting appro- 
bation or applause from their hearers, for their 
herculean success at refuting their opponent. The 
truth of it is; they are completely without a case, in 
such discussions; and nothing makes it more ap- 
parent than that the same men, who are then at a 
loss to find a plausible defense, are sometimes ver}^ 
talented, and skilful or prolific debaters in legislative 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 347 

assemblies or in law-courts, and possess sufficient 
power of reasoning to convince, not only jurors, or the 
masses, but even the most learned jurists. 

One may like a country, and live in it, for its re- 
sources, while he may reasonably hate its institutions. 
If he is in Russia, he must obey the laws of the Czar's 
government, which forbids any one criticizing it, 
and if he fails in his obligations, he may be deported 
to Siberia, and this is perfectly right. On the con- 
trary, if he dwells in the United States of America, 
he can speak as he pleases, as its Constitution gives 
every individual that privilege. Consequently, he 
who runs down the American institutions, while living 
under them, acts in perfect accord with their Consti- 
tution, and they are wrong who censure him for doing 
so; and the more unjust to villify the monarchies for 
restricting the liberties of the press and of speech. 
And should any abuses arise from any one's criticism 
adverse to American institutions, it is merely the fault 
of the Constitution itself for granting the people more 
freedom than they can safely enjoy. 

Why was Governor Altgeld censured and burned 
in effigy for pardoning the three surviving Chicago 
anarchists? It is one of the political prerogatives of 
a President or of a Governor, to liberate any convict. 
And whenever he feels disppsed to exercise his will, 
in any case, is he going to submit it to the votes of 
the people? According to the principles of the Amer- 
ican democracy, the Governor of Illinois had also the 
right of criticising the judgment of the tribunal that 



348 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

condemned both these men and the others that were 
hung, although they might have been guilty of the 
most abominable crimes. It is not here intended to 
uphold any class of anarchists; on the contrary, the 
right of every individual in a nation to publicly ex- 
press all kinds of opinions, is characterized as anarch- 
ism itself. When a chief-magistrate is guilty of any 
malfeasance in office he should be legally prosecuted, 
but it is highly improper and even anarchistic to assail 
his conduct or insult him in any case. Such tyranny 
is observable only in republics. 

We censure the democratic institutions of the 
United States of America, first, because we think 
they are defective; and next, because it is our privi- 
lege; and we afterwards show their weakness for 
giving the people the right of censuring them. The 
moment the government should commence restrict- 
ing the liberties of speech and of the press, it would 
cease to be a democracy; but in this case we might 
no longer perceive any great evils in it. 

When they have no liking or fancy for one, or 
when one does not conform to their views in all 
things, they call him a "Crank." 



HUMORISM. 

Some Americans are able to attain the highest 
degree of humorism. When it is the least expected 
from them, even at times when the effects of their 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 349 

political shortcomings are most seriously felt through- 
out their country, they often burst out exclaiming: 
"We have the best government in the world;" and 
they make such utterances without a tremor, without a 
jest and without a smile, and look as serious as if they 
were meaning every word they say. As actors they 
are renowned for tragedy; they had a Barrett, a 
Booth, and have others yet; they can also be favor- 
ably compared with the French for comedy. 



CONDITION OF POLITICS IN THE PRIMITIVE 
STATE OF THE AMERICAN COMMON- 
WEALTH. 

THE ADMIRERS OF THOMAS PAINE, VICTOR HUGO, AND 
OF THE AUTHORS OF THE CONSTITUTION ARE 
INVITED TO COMPARE THE PRESENT 
CONDITION OF POLITICS IN THE 
AMERICAN REPUBLIC WITH 
THAT OF ITS PRIMI- 
TIVE STATE. 

In the beginning of the republic the people were 
enjoying "freedom and liberty," but were not always 
uttering those words, which are words of bombast or 
nonsense when they are only uttered. Honesty was 
not on the tongues, it was rooted in the hearts. 
They were fond, not only of good reputation, but of 
good character also. 



350 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The oath was a moral force which the state could 
depend upon, for administering justice and preserving 
order in society; but perjury was not a practice, nor 
the base stone of the republican machine. They were 
not boasting of having the best government on earth, 
nor accusing or censuring their public officials for not 
executing the law. 

Men or women were not under the necessity of car- 
rying concealed weapons to protect themselves, or 
lynching criminals to guard society against the com- 
mission of crime. The}' were not fast in vice and 
slow in justice, but fast in justice and slow in vice. 

There were no schools yet to diffuse bad education 
among the people, or imbue their minds with the 
idea that money alone must be the object of men's 
worship and ambition, no vile literature to assist in 

training them in false knowledge; no venal press 

» 
pretending to preserve the interests of the Common- 
wealth, and recommending the enactment of laws 
favoring the sole interests of corrupt rings or corpora- 
tions; no professional lobbyists kept in constant pay, 
and bus}' in working up through legislatures the 
schemes of bosses or party leaders. 

They were not making their freedom and liberty 
consist partly in disobeying or insulting, but they 
always obeyed and regarded, their magistrates, with 
reverence, because, however so ignorant they may 
have been, they had common sense enough to know 
that, as the people's sovereignty lies in their public 
servants, all respect or courtesy shown them, were, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 351 

in the meantime, a just tribute of homage to the 
nation itself. 

No politicians could be found, who would betray 
or abandon their respective parties, on account of 
their country's interests having been served iirst. 
The new magistrate-elect was not compelled to 
fall out with men of his own party, for not re- 
warding them for their political support. The repub- 
lic was not considered as a market for the sale of 
public interests, or distribution of appointments, 
salaries or commissions ; nor the public good, as an 
object of contention between rapacious politicians. 
The country was not run for the government, but the 
government was run for the country. 

There were no government agents, to rob tribes of 
Indians or other ferocious barbarians of their just 
dues, and thereby provoke them to avenge such out- 
rages by raiding and slaughtering their civilized neigh- 
bors. 

There were no greedy or unscrupulous office seekers, 
but the right man was sought out for every public 
position. 

The courts of law were not held for promoting liti- 
gation, by means of long, useless and repeated trials, 
for spending lavishly enormous sums of public money 
helping the interests of the legal profession, and sup- 
porting an army of shysters. They were not con- 
stantly talking about laws and money, but justice 
was carried out. 

The "Enquirer" of Cincinnati, Ohio, like other 



352 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Papers from which quotations are made, is one of the 
principal sheets of its locahty, and besides, one of 
the leading and most respectable organs of the 
country. Then its statements contained in the next 
article, as to the abuse of laws, and the danger of 
personal ambition and indifferentism of prominent 
political men in the American republic, become the 
more interesting. 

The Enquirer. Cincinnati, Monday July 3, 1893. 

"It is a strange reflection upon the criminal juris- 
prudence of Cincinnati that a warrant for forgery 
should be formally issued and should be held secretly 
in hand for two days in order to enforce the collec- 
tion of a debt, with the agreement that the warrant 
will be suppressed if the debt is paid. Did anybody 
ever hear anything about the compounding of a 
felony.?" 

"Ex-President Harrison has been talking, and 
perhaps talking too much, about the financial situa- 
tion. He is convinced that the Sherman bill is the 
cause of the trouble, yet he assails Mr. Sherman, as 
the latter does himself, upon the plea that such a 
measure was a necessary compromise in order to 
defeat free coinage. It would seem that the gentle- 
men explain too much or too little. It was well known 
that a free coinage measure could not pass over a 
Presidential veto; but, as- Benjamin Harrison, then 
President of the United States, was arranging for a 
second term, he did not desire to veto any silver bill. 
That is why the alleged 'compromise' was made — 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 353 

that is why the Sherman bill went through." 

Mr. Editor of the Enquirer, under what form of 

government but a democracy can such tricks and 

such compounding of a felony as you here mention, 

be introduced into practice.'* 

Again, can you now logically assert that the 

interests of a President of a republic are always as 

identical as those of a monarch with the prosperity or 

greatness of a nation.? 



USELESS ATTEMPTS AT REFORMS. 

Without any of the irrefutable proofs that have 
been brought to the support of the assertions against 
the political and social condition of the country, the 
mere allusion to schemes of reforms suffices to illus- 
trate the existence of vices in the republic. And in 
what country can we find so many reformers as in the 
United States, which is supposed to be the most 
virtuous commonwealth on earth? But although 
these public educators point out some of the faults 
which this work exposes, failing to state the true 
causes that produce them, they are at a loss to sug- 
gest a remedy capable of alleviating the woes of the 
nation. Therefore, the people should view the plain 
statement of facts herein contained with much less 
acrimony or indignation, than the pretenses or idle 
efforts of their reformers, who are either too blind to 
discover, or too unfair or too timid, to exhibit the 

23 



354 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

source of their evils; and were they open to reason 
and conviction they should receive it with satisfaction 
while blaming none but their own institutions for 
their shortcomings. 

It being evident that democracy leads people astray, 
its educators in wondering why politicians should be 
corrupt, and the masses should become frivolous, are 
just as absurd, to say the least, as if after building 
a single road from one place to another, they would 
express great surprise to see travelers coming through 
it to their point of destination. When those cham- 
pions of public morality exhort the people to civic 
virtue and assert that political vices are most detri- 
mental to the maintenance and prosperity of the 
Commonwealth, citing for examples, the republics of 
Greece and of Rome, which fell from such causes; 
when they complain of men's disrespect for the 
established authority, and of the bold commission of 
crimes; when they recommend the enactment of 
stronger laws, and of the infliction of severe punish- 
ments upon all guilty parties, notwithstanding their 
excellent intentions, they unconsciously excite in 
people their passions, and point out in most vigorous 
expressions, the effeteness of the American democrac}'. 
All their exhortations, instead of being productive of 
any good, can not but promote the growth of those 
very evils they wish to eradicate from society. Un- 
scrupulous men are easily convinced by such utter- 
ances that politicians must be individually benefited 
according as the state suffers from a regime of injus- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 355 

tice; that corrupt politics is a profitable business for 
politicians, that they can have but. little to fear from 
a government w^hich is too weak to command respect. 
What do they care for the future of the Common- 
wealth? It matters not to them whether or not history 
shall repeat itself, and the same causes that have 
ruined all other republics, shall also ruin the Ameri- 
can democracy, so long as they can aggrandize them- 
selves. Their own arguments, then, can not but 
demonstrate that a republic is a dangerous govern- 
ment for a nation. 

Yet, as if their institutions had attained the state 
of political axiom, they consider them so perfect that 
they never think, a moment, of imputing to them 
their difficulties and shortcomings. In their super- 
stitious devotion to their Constitution, they are very 
comical in ostensibly searching the causes of their 
woes and in suggesting their various plans of regen- 
eracy. They sometimes ask: "Is marriage a failure ? 
why should people marry? If there were no mar- 
riages, there would be no need of divorces. What 
is the use of spending money for wed dings and separa- 
tions? Marriage is a contract like any other between 
two partners in any branch of business; and when 
one is getting tired of the other, he should have the 
right to dissolve partnership." All sorts of ideas and 
sentiments are expressed. One says that people 
should be better educated on the importance of 
money, as if they had not already learned too much 
about it. Some suggest that Christianity should be 



356 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

abolished; others say that the people should join the 
Salvation Army ; that the Bible should be revised to 
harmonize with public sentiment; that a church ought 
to be established, called "The Church of the People," 
but without priests or ministers. Some say that 
office holders should receive twice as much salary as 
they do now; others are of the opinion that they 
should receive no pay whatever. One says that he 
who kills a president, should be slowly burned to 
death; if he kills a governor or a senator, he should 
be a little burned and hung, and if he murders any 
ordinary citizen, simply hung; if he kills many 
persons, he should be tortured; and if a negro rapes 
a woman, he should be terribly tortured from feet 
to head, and be compelled to swallow fire. A vast 
number of sovereigns think that the criminal courts 
should be entirely dispensed with, alleging that their 
being useless institutions, the people, in all cases, 
should take the law in their own hands. Others rec- 
ommend that all citizens should close their business 
establishments or offices, to attend the primary elec- 
toral meetings to select good men as candidates for 
public positions. 

The following extract of an article published in 
October, 1892, in the "Forum" of New York, by Mr. 
David Dudley Field, is not devoid of interest; its 
subject is: 

THE PRIMARY THE PIVOT OF REFORM: 

"The voters are vehemently solicited at every gen- 
eral election to rush to the polls and save the people 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 357 

from ruin. But if the nominations are bad, how 
little is the use of votes. The truth is that the 
voting plays a secondary part in a New York City 
election. It is the nomination which turns the scale 
for good or evil, and the primary makes the nomina- 
nation. If both parties should nominate good can- 
didates, good men would hold office, whichever party 
won the election. There may indeed be elections in 
which great principles are at stake; but the occasions 
are rare in which the voter is obliged to choose be- 
tween a good policy with a bad candidate and a bad 
policy with a good candidate. 

"The practical politicians jeer at us for our simple 
folly. This is what one of them said the other day: 
'It's great sport to see people go to the polls in 
hordes and vote like cattle for the ticket we prepare. 
Reformers don't begin at the right point. They 
should begin at the point where nominations are 
made. The people think they make the nominations, 
but we do that business for them.' What a boast 
of profligacy and shame. 'Sport,' is it, to see one's 
fellow citizens led like cattle to slaughter, thinking 
all the while that they are going to pasture? How 
long shall we endure this profligacy and hear this 
boast.? Civis Romanus was a boast; has civis Amer- 
icans become a burden.-^" 

The author of this article, is over eii;hty-five years 
of age, and has, througlunit all his life, perseveringlv 
attempted, like man\' others, to rcl\nni politics and 
the judicial department. \\'hat has boon his success .-* 



358 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

What has been the success of all the others? The 
political and social state of the country has been grow- 
ing worse ever since they commenced talking of re- 
forms. 

If the president, or a governor, or a mayor is will • 
ing to receive advices from citizens, they say he has 
no stamina, no will of his own, no backbone; but 
if he fully exercises his prerogative, and does not 
listen to every one's counsel, they publish that he 
feels more important than his party and nothing can 
fit him but a crown; and consequently in no case 
should he be reelected. 

The press or other public educators assuming from 
time to time airs of dignit}-, and affecting serious 
concern for the public welfare, often cry out: "So 
long as public men will subordinate the welfare of 
the Commonwealth to their individual interests, and 
so long as the best citizesn shall remain away from 
the polls, they' shall not have "the government of the 
people, by the people, for the people." Tribunes or 
public speakers call, sometimes, indignation meetings, 
at which officials or rings are censured and denounced 
in the most violent terms accompanied with consid- 
erable gnashing of teeth. The great principles of 
democracy are invoked, and the people are warned 
against the danger that threatens them; they are told 
to beware of the professional politicians; and that 
unless they take the government in their own hands, 
they can not preserve their free institutions. How 
silly that is! When shall they learn that it is their 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 359 

free institutions which are the causes of their troubles ? 
The sight of twelve or fifteen million free men 
going to the polls for choosing themselves magistrates 
would certainly be a great spectacle in a virtuous 
republic, but what can be more deplorable than the 
sight of that vast multitude of deluded citizens, who, 
according to American politicians themselves, cast 
their votes for those who have already given up public 
interests in exchange for nominations on their respec- 
tive tickets? Nothing is more surprising than that 
they should so blindly and so devotedly adhere to 
their Constitution. Republicans and democrats! 
what is more illogical than to lament over social and 
political evils and praise or cherish, meantime, the chief 
cause that produces them? And he would be cfeclared 
a public enemy, an anarchist, who would dare to 
denounce their Constitution. But are not the pro- 
fessional politicians, and the results of primary elec- 
tions the outcome of that Constitution? It is ridicu- 
lous to find fault with the professional politicians, 
for two reasons, first, because their principles suppose 
all public men, at least, capable to behave decently, 
and again because they expect that the majority of 
the most worthy citizens, of those who have most 
interests at stake in the nation should devote all their 
time to politics, and could possibly defeat the un- 
scrupulous methods of political bummers at the pri- 
maries, or at the nominating conventions. Should 
all men, but the professionals, devote their time to 
primaries, conventions, and elections, and to the 



360 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

study of all political questions, and of all laws, the 
commerce and the industry of the country would be 
entirely ruined; it is bad enough as it is now, conse- 
quently, it is the Constitution that is faulty, but not 
the men who follow politics for a livelihood. 

The introduction in many states of the Australian 
system of voting can not accomplish much good. It 
can only prevent, in some cases, some poor workmen 
from receiving a little money for their vote. But it 
is not here that the danger lies, nor does it matter 
much who is elected, under the democratic rule of 
America, as to the character of its politics. It is in 
the preliminary work and after the elections have 
been held, that the wrong is performed. With or 
without the Australian system, the worst evils of the 
democracy remain the same. In either case, there is 
the same strife for public office, and public interests 
can be sold. 

The determination of a president, or of a governor, 
or of a mayor to improve the civil service, is often 
injurious rather than salutary. He may, it is true, 
select men renowned for their abilities and virtues, 
but who, after being promoted to office, will succumb 
to the temptations that are offered to them, perceiv- 
ing no prospects for themselves, but their removal 
from position, no matter how true they may be to 
their trust. It is a poor way of reforming, which is 
apt to ruin the morals of an honest man. 

While they urge every citizen to become active 
politicians, they sometimes unconsciously, but with 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 36 1 

reason, place politics among the demoralizing causes 
of the country, saying: "Wine, bad women, gamb- 
ling and politics will ruin any man." Now, how can 
American politics lead so many individuals astray 
without damaging the nation? 

The president himself played a very comical part 
in his message to Congress, in 1891. After the de- 
feat of the Force Bill, against the Southern states, he 
suggested the establishment of a non-partisan Com- 
mission to investigate matters connected with elec- 
tions in those states, and see that no frauds were 
committed in registration, voting and returns. It is 
very significant that their first magistrate would think 
that not enough honest men could be found in the 
political parties of the country, to form a competent 
electoral commission. The president has then ex- 
pressed the opinion that American politics had 
exercised a very pernicious effect upon the character 
of the people. And if his suggestion does not mean 
this, what does it mean? Now think of this, they 
continually cry out: "Let all men give their atten- 
tion to politics," and afterwards propose to look 
among others than politicians or mere voters, for 
upright men or patriots. Shall they go to Mexico or 
Canada to find them? 

When shall sincere republicans or democrats ac- 
quire sufficient wisdom to know that those whom 
they -endeavor to reform, favor a democracy, not for 
the practice of its virtues, but, because, on the con- 
trary, it affords them bottc^ (^hances to carry out 



') 



62 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 



their dishonest designs than any other form of gov- 
ernment, and would be as strongly opposed to a re- 
public as to a monarchy, were the former as capable 
as the latter, of restraining their unbounded ambi- 
tion and wickedness. 

Are the authorities very deeply or seriously con- 
cerned in the morals of the nation? It is known 
that one of the worst evils, in the country, is avarice 
and strife for riches. Nevertheless, the presidents 
and the state governors, in their official messages, 
have no other subjects to advise the people and their 
legislators upon, than questions of money. Their 
language frequently indicates that they well perceive 
the dangers that threaten society. But, to remain 
constitutional, and in harmony with the prevailing 
sentiment of the population, they refrain from touch- 
ing the causes of the trouble. They sometimes, 
formally exercise their functions as public advisers, 
by exhorting the people to moderation and economy; 
and as they tell them that these virtues lead to the 
accumulation of riches, and teach them by the char- 
acter of their doctrines, that money is the only thing 
that should occupy their attention, they must neces- 
sarily stimulate corruption, rather than promote 
reforms. They manifest the most complete indiffer- 
ence towards the state of demoralization, which per- 
vades the Commonwealth. They never raise their 
voice, or give a single stroke of the pen against the 
laxity of the tribunals of justice, and the spread of 
crime and lawlessness; but they silently, stupidly 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 363 

and constitutionally, permit mobs, political bummers 
or any coxcombs, to insult the authority of the nation. 

When Americans are told that the European mon- 
archies execute their laws better than their democracy, 
they assign the abilities of the former, in this respect, 
to the smallness of their countries, respectively; and 
they say that the vast extent of their territory, is 
objectionable to the swift administering of justice. 
This cannot be but a formidable argument against 
the republic. Why is it that lawlessness and the re- 
laxation of the laws, waxes with the material growth 
of the country.^ Is not its territory diminishing in 
size, in proportion to the increase of its population? 

That set of native Americans hostile to foreigners, 
have commenced reviving the doctrine of know-noth- 
ingism. Not only are they urging Congress to restrict 
immigration, but there is a disposition on their part 
to demand that American citizenship be not so freely 
extended to foreigners in the future as in the past, 
and that the members of certain religious sects be 
debarred from public offices, accusing them of under- 
mining the Constitution of the United States. How- 
ever, the larger number of the natives, who are also 
the more sensible and more moderate, seem to con- 
sider such contemplated schemes full of mischief, 
and detrimental to the material interests of the 
country. They can remain' assured that no party 
could more accelerate the ruin of the Commonwealth 
than those who wish that all foreigners be oxcludod 
from the country, to secure possession of the public 



364 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

offices; for it is well demonstrated that among them 
are found most of the unfaithful public servants of 
the Republic. 

They are becoming so fanatical in their ideas of 
American citizenship that they seem to believe that 
any foreigner is born only the moment he touches the 
American soil, and consequently, no matter how old 
he is at the time of his arrival in that country he can 
not be of age before he has lived in it twenty-one 
years. They clearly express such opinions thus: 
"Foreigners should not vote till they have been 
twenty-one years in our country; I am American 
born myself and could not go to the polls before I 
had reached that age." 

The faction which is now considering foreigners un- 
worthy of American citizenship sprang up principally 
from the same party that recognized most ignorant 
negroes competent for it immediately they were eman- 
cipated. 

The rise of new parties will be detrimental rather 
than beneficial, to the nation, because with it dissen- 
sions must necessarily increase. A third party has 
already made its appearance in the state of Kansas, 
known as the Populists ; but all the difference between 
this and the others is in the name, the words "pop- 
ulist" and "people" having the same meaning. While 
they severely censure both of the old parties for lead- 
ing the country astra}-, be their charges true as they 
may, they are actuated by the same principle as either 
the democrats or the republicans; despite their pre- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 365 

tenses to reform they have already given proof that 
pubHc office is the chief object of their ambition. 

According to present appearances, the climax of 
political and social demoralization may soon be 
reached by their proclaiming the civil emancipation 
of women as the main issue for the next presidential 
campaign, which is already announced by some poli- 
ticians as the most reliable attempt to reform society. 

There are, no doubt, patriots in the country; but 
they are scarce, in the- masses, who believe any 
statesman or politician capable of sacrifice or public 
spirit. This is equally ostensible; when a legislative 
measure of any nature or character is proposed by a 
faction, it is generally most vigorosuly opposed by all 
others, without regard to the public good! 



FALLACIES OF THE REPUBLIC. 

A great many individuals are found, who, while 
aspiring to competency for a free government, 
stupidly assert, that, as to political evils in the Amer- 
ican republic, the people are at fault, but not the 
Constitution. Now, how is it possible that the people 
be competent and incompetent in the meantime.'* It is 
perfectly clear that a merely written constitution can 
not alone cause mischief; but it becomes a source of 
dangers, from the untiuestionablc fact that it docs not 
offer a nation sufficient }notcction against that portion 
of men who arc not adapted for it. 



366 GOV^ERNMEXTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The fundamental error of the republic is to sup- 
pose the nature of mankind more perfect than it 
really is. In making its freedom and equality depend 
upon the intelligence or the virtues of the people, it 
not only fails to be a safe-guard against evil, but it 
energetically encourages the development of imper- 
fections that exist in man. 

By electing the chief-magistrate of a nation for a 
limited term, the supreme authority of the people 
vested in him, becomes by reason of his removability, 
too feeble to inspire the masses with lo3'alty, and 
even common respect for the law. 

The frequency of elections is the worst school of 
low intrigues, of frauds and of deceit. 

The opening of state offices to all characters, the 
frequent changes in the personnel of the government, 
and principally the elections of judges, produce re- 
sults, not only different from, but entirely opposed 
to those anticipated by democratic theories. 

Instead of upholding man's rights and the purity 
of politics, a democratic constitution promotes the 
wrongs of the people, in placing their interests in the 
power of dishonest classes; it leads a vast portion of 
the people to neglect industry, disrespect honest 
labor and any respectable or noble avocation. 

Moreover, it is well known that a great many, in 
their attempts to thrive and build up fortunes through 
politics, wreck themselve both financially and morally 
for any honorable pursuit in life. 

Democracy saps its own basis and is itself the most 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 367 

vital principle of anarchism, because by subordinating 
nationalism to individualism it inspires men with 
selfish motives in place of patriotism, and conse- 
quently renders their private interests antagonistic 
to, rather than identical with, the welfare of the state. 

Resting on the accepted proposition that the nation 
is the source of all political power, it blindly prepares 
its ruin by rendering this very power the chief source 
of the most dangerous evils that affect society. 

It is asserted at the outset, that a corrupt republic 
can not be reformed, nor can the nation under it be 
regenerated, unless the constitution of the govern- 
ment be entirely remodeled. This has been proven 
by all republics of by-gone ages; and Americans 
should bear in mind that their democracy shall be no 
exception to that rule; and as long as the present con- 
stitution remains in existence, the political corruption 
and social vices can not but continue to grow, despite 
all their schemes of reforms and the increasing num- 
ber of their reformers or educators. The task of ex- 
terminating all the tigers, lions and serpents, in Asia 
and in Africa, would be far easier than to liberate 
a republic from its rapacious demagogues. 

Some of them may say: "It is true that the re- 
public is corrupt, but why is it not good enough if 
the people are contented under its regime?" This 
argument can only well apply to those finding their 
pleasure or expressing their satisfaction in a disorderly 
life, or in a state of licentiousness. 

Intelligent men arc not scarce, in the republic, who 



368 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

express the opinion that a radical change in the gov- 
ernment must come soon or late, and the sooner the 
better; and that a stronger constitution is absolutely 
necessary to restore the prosperity of the nation upon 
a more solid and permanent basis. 



THE MODERN MONARCHIES OF EUROPE. 

It is now designed to give a brief sketch of the 
political history of the principal monarchies of Europe, 
and exhibit the wonders which they have achieved 
in building up and civilizing nations. When repub- 
lics present such a monstrous spectacle as their 
records furnish us, why should we refrain from eulo- 
gizing the governments that have produced the most 
good to mankind? The monarchial principles set 
forth in the beginning, will be found in perfect 
harmony with the nature of man, in modern, as well 
as in ancient, ages; nor can their logic be shaken by 
the blustering language or the sophistry of the repub- 
lican or democratic press. As the difficulties related 
to the government of a country increase according to 
the degree of density of its population, so the character 
of political institutions must be judged from the nature 
of circumstances that confront them, and according 
to their measure of success or failure to promote the 
prosperity of nations, and to administer them justice. 

Before entering into this examination, the reader 
is reminded of the fact, that not only Germany and 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 369 

Austria-Hungary, but almost all other European 
monarchies, with a single legislature, respectively, 
manage populations varying from forty to five 
hundred inhabitants, far more easily, far more 
justly and with much less litigation, than the Amer- 
ican republic can govern eighteen, to the square mile. 
And this alone should be deemed sufficient to attract 
the mind to the consideration of this subject. 

Americans and some other nations will be amazed 
at the triumph of those very principles that have been 
their primitive source of manhood, light and treasure, 
while they will notice that the modern, as well as the 
ancient, monarchies, have been founded and still 
stand by the will of the people, notwithstanding all 
that is said to the contrary by their opponents. 



FRANC] 



The Merovingians were the first race of the kings 
of France. They honor their former chief by taking 
his name, because he had vanquished Attila and re- 
pulsed his invading myriads of ferocious barbarians. 
Childeric, his son and successor, was expelled from 
the throne by his subjects, but recalled, afterwards, 
and restored to power. However Clovis, the son of 
Childeric, was the true founder of the French mon- 
archy, and it is he that liberated h^ance from the 
Romans, alter defeating them at Snissons. 

Pepin, the first king of the CarUn'ingian dynastw 

^4 



370 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

overthrew the power of Astolphus, king of the Lom- 
bards, and estabhshed the temporal power of Popery. 
His kingdom was divided between his two sons, 
Charles and Carloman. Soon after this, the latter 
died, and the former became the Sovereign of the 
state. Subsequently, in the year 800, while in Rome, 
he received from the hands of Pope Leo III. the im- 
perial crown, and was immediately proclaimed 
Emperor by all his people under the name of Charle- 
magne. Thus was the Christian Empire of the West 
founded and recognized by all the Christians of the 
world. 

In the tenth century, Hughes Capet founded the 
Capetian dynasty, upon the influence of the clergy 
and the unanimous consent of the population. 

Following this came the family of Valois in 1328. 

Henry IV, the first ruler of the Bourbon dynasty, 
who reigned in the sixteenth centur}^, could not have 
maintained himself on the throne, had he not accepted 
the terms dictated to him by the masses of the nation. 

In a period of less than a hundred years which 
elapsed from the revolution of 1789, three republics, 
and five monarchies, under Napoleon I, Louis XVIII, 
Charles X, Louis Philip, and Napoleon III, respec- 
tively, were erected; and four monarchies and two 
republics, overthrown. 

Under all dynasties, all branches of learning were 
encouraged, and art, especiall}', was greatly promoted 
by the church. But it is in the reign of the Valois 
family, that the development of industry received its 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 3/1 

first great impulse. Francis I, perceiving the magni- 
tude of advantages offered to commerce by the dis- 
coveries, of America by Christopher Columbus, and 
of the sea route to India by Vasco da Gama, resolved 
to promote the interests of his people by stimulating 
industry, and it was in his time that the city of Lyons 
established its most important silk manufactories, 
that the French navy and the Port of Havre^ were 
built 

To the governments of Henry IV, of Louis XIII, 
and of Louis XIV, of the Bourbon family, belongs 
the glory of having most promoted the prosperity of 
the French nation, and it may justly be said, of 
having laid the foundation of her greatness. 

A proper idea of what Henry's reign did for France 
can be found by Voltaire's following phrases: 
"Justice is reformed; and the two religions are prac- 
ticed in peace. Agriculture is encouraged; as Sully 
said, 'Plough and cow, these are the breasts of 
France, whereat she sucks; they are the true mines 
and treasures of Peru.' Commerce and the arts, 
which Sully cared for less, were still honored; silver 
and gold stuffs enriched Lyons and the entire country. 
Manufactures of tapestry were established; and glass, 
after the Venetian patterns, was made. To Henry 
alone, France is indebted for the silkworm and the 
mulberry. It was Henry who dug the canal which 
joins the Seine and the Loire. Under him Paris 
grew and grew fair; he built the Palais- Royal, and 
reconstructed the old bridges. Before his day the 



3/2 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

St. Germain suburb was not connected with the town, 
and was improved under his supervision. He built 
that magnificent bridge on which every Frenchman, 
as he passes, still looks with emotion at his statue. 
St. Germain, Monceaux, Fontainebleau, above all the 
Louvre, were enlarged, almost rebuilt, by him. He 
established in his long gallery in the Louvre, artists 
of all classes, and encouraged them frequently with 
his presence as well as his presents." 

The reign of Louis XHI, and the administration of 
affairs by Cardinal Richelieu, produced the most 
glorious results for the country, in all respects. While 
their foreign policy was consolidating the dynasty, 
and gaining for France her supremac}' over the con- 
tinent, they founded a large number of the best 
institutions, among which the French Academy, the 
College du Plessis, known as, Lyceum Louis-le- 
Grand. The Palais-Royal was built; the Jardin des 
Plantes was established, and the collections forming 
the present Museum of Natural History was then 
inaugurated.* 

Louis XIV. was not yet in his fifth year, when he 
succeeded his father. His mother, Ann of Austria, 
was proclaimed Regent, for the period of his minorit}^ 
and availed herself of the services of Cardinal Maza- 
rin, an Italian of transcendent abilities, who died, 
after a very successful and brilliant career. Louis, 
who was then about twenty-three years of age as- 
sumed an absolute authority, with the assistance of 
the celebrated Colbert, whom he appointed as general 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 373 

comptroller of jfinances in place of Fouquet. The 
revenue of the state was then raised from fifty-two 
to ninety-five million francs. 

Louvois reorganized the army, and the rule of dis- 
cipline which he introduced into it, permitted France 
to maintain her position in the first rank of nations. 
Louis exhibited a great zeal for the welfare of the 
country. He established the East and West Indies 
Company, and annexed new colonies which became 
very flourishing. Agriculture, all industrial branches, 
and commerce were greatly encouraged. The' canal 
of Languedoc was dug, connecting the Ocean with 
the Mediterranean sea. 

In no other age and no other country have sciences, 
art and literature attained a higher degree of perfec- 
tion, than under the reign of Louis the Great. It is 
in his time that Conde, Turenne, Luxembourg, 
Crequi, Catinat, Vendome and Villars, obtained their 
military glory, that Vauban executed his great works 
of military engineering, that Perrault, Mansard and 
other celebrated architects, erected those magnificent 
palaces that rivaled those of Rome. New public 
works of all kinds, and splendid monuments were 
seen everywhere; Paris and Versailles were embel- 
ished, the attractions of which- invited foreigners from 
all nations of the globe, and consequently became. 
for the nation, what they are now, a great source of 
revenue. 

What period in the world's history has produced 
literary men superior to Bossuot, Fenelon, Bourda- 



374 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

loue, Flechier, Massillon, Corneille, Racine, Moliere, 
Boileau, la Bruyere, Pascal, d'Agnesseau, and a 
great many others? 

The French language, has, in those times, made 
the most rapid advance towards its present degree 
of perfection, and this has, no doubt, contributed, 
in a measure, to the improvement of the English 
tongue itself, as in the last two centuries it has re- 
ceived most of its French words and idioms. 

In the latter part of his reign, Louis was impelled 
to recognize William of Orange, as king of England, 
in place of James II; but on the other hand, Philip 
V, his nephew, for whom France had carried on the 
war of succession, was also acknowledged by Europe 
as the legitimate ruler of Spain. Louis has been 
bitterly denounced by Protestants for revoking the 
edict of Nantes; however it is known that laws simi- 
lar to those which he enforced against Protestants, in 
France, had been already, or were, meanwhile, en- 
acted, in other countries, by the latter's co-religion- 
ists, against the Catholics. The adoption of such 
extreme polic}', on both sides, was to insure peace 
and tranquillity among the people, by restoring the 
political and religious unity in their respective 
countries. 

Louis XV. had not yet attained the age of five, 
when he ascended the throne. Philip of Orleans, 
was appointed Regent during his minority. Under his 
reign France was not prosperous. The corruption of 
his court, and the seven years war into which the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 375 

French were led by Austria against Prussia and Eng- 
land, were very disastrous to the nation. These 
causes combined with the diffusion of the new doc- 
trines of sophists, such as Voltaire, Rousseau, Raynal, 
Diderot and Helvetius, and the sacrifices made by 
Louis XIV. subsequently to aid the Americans in 
their war of independence, brought the political 
revolution in 1789. 

It is almost unanimously acknowledged that reforms 
were much needed in the government of France. 
The king, the nobility and the clergy, understood 
this, as well as all others, and voluntarily yielded to 
the demands of the national assembly. In lending 
their assistance for reforming all abuses, they relin- 
quished many privileges which they had exercised till 
now, and even the king took the oath of allegiance 
to the new Constitution, According to it, the legis- 
lative power exclusively belonged to a parliament, 
which was to be accessible to any citizen, provided 
he would be elected by the people, and the execution 
of the laws was confided to the king who had the 
right to oppose the decrees of the legislative assem- 
bly by his veto. This Constitution, which was, at 
the outset, satisfactory to all parties, placed all in- 
dividuals on a political level; it is then evident that 
enough revolution had been accomplished ; and had 
a larger number of the ablest men of France been 
actuated by patriotism, the country couKl have easil}' 
been saved from the state of bloody anarchy that 
followed. Hut, at that time, clubs had already been 



3/6 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

organized by the most fertile brains of the nation, 
which, being converted into poHtical parties, acquired 
at once considerable influence. These were princi- 
pally the Girondists and the Jacobites, whose great 
ambition was to overthrow the new Constitutional 
monarchy, and assume the power. In the second 
meeting of delegates, Louis found himself surrounded 
with implacable enemies, and determined men devoid 
of all sound principles, who proposed to destroy all 
that was left of the old regime, and substitute democ- 
racy as a government, and Science or Reason as a 
moral power, in place of any kind of monarchy and 
religion, respectively. Their first act was to enact 
tyrannical laws against the clergy, and all emigrants 
who fled from the country for their own safety; and 
they revolted against the authority of the king for 
using his veto against their abominable decrees. 
How, despite the law concerning the inviolability of 
the king, he was accused, condemned and put to 
death, by the republican party, is well known. 

If their political theories were true, and could be 
permanently established, and produce any good to 
France and mankind, the time is now arrived for 
their being crowned with success, as there is no more 
obstruction whatever in their way. Royalty, religious 
worship, all orders of society have been overthrown, 
and foreign invasion has been repelled; the immacu- 
late republicans, those devout worshipers of nature, 
are now the masters of the situation. While all the 
most civilized nations of the globe are standing, at 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 377 

this critical moment, their eyes towards them, in a 
state of amazement, perplexity, fear, hope and solici- 
tude; while the kings are trembling on their thrones 
at this spectacle, grand and apparently sublime, yet 
most gloomy and terrible for society, the revolutionary 
party exhibits the impracticability of its own institu- 
tion. The men who have proclaimed through the 
world the age of reason, their principles of equality, 
liberty and fraternity, and expected a paradise on 
earth, with no other power to inspire or govern them 
but their own will, prove most incapable of this free 
state. The men who believed in substituting free 
love for marriage, and in making the land and the 
wealth of the country common property, are not able 
to agree or live in unity for a short period of time; 
nor can they even unite on pressing questions of pol- 
icy and urgent measures of public safety. 

It is most interesting now to notice the striking 
manner in which human nature shows itself in this 
conflict of ideas and interests. What must be the 
condition, the duration and the fate of a Common- 
wealth without unity of purpose and without hxed 
principles? The following events will answer these 
questions: 

Having overthrown a power that, notwithstanding 
all its faults, had rendered France one of the greatest 
nations in the world, the republican party was split 
into fierce and formidable factions. Ambition, insa- 
tiable cupidity, jealousy, envy and vengeance, became 
the ruling sentiments of their souls. In the absence 



378 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

of any restraining power but their common sense, 
the inexorable Goddess of Reason gave her worshipers 
no heed. Every man is urging that his own opinions 
prevail over those of his brothers; they all want to 
command and govern, but no one wants to obey. 

Those communists had proposed to divide the 
nation's wealth in equal shares among themselves, 
because they had nothing, but as soon as they 
acquired something, they wanted to keep it all. 
They all were to laugh, but they all weep. They 
were to be in paradise, but now they find themselves 
somewhere else. Every one was to be a model of 
perfection; every one is a demon. 

In this state of confusion, under the rule of Robes- 
pierre, the sons of nature fell into an abyss of calam- 
ities. It is almost incredible, yet true, that even 
before having ceased exterminating the Bourbons and 
others for clinging to the old principles, they had 
commenced cutting one another's throat. Marat, 
a Jacobite, fell under the dagger of a Girondist; and 
following, twenty-one Girondists went to find their 
deliverance under the Jacobine guillotine. 

Robespierre, that champion of man's rights and 
liberty, destroyed some of his own partisans for daring 
to disagree with him. Hebert and his faction, for 
atheism, Camille Desmoulins and Danton, on account 
of their moderate policy, and others, for various 
causes, were sent to death by the order of this fanat- 
ical tyrant. The Goddess of Reason was sacrificing 
her worshipers without distinction, to her infernal 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 379 

fury. Every day, in Paris, and through France, 
thousands of innocent people were massacred, or 
losing their heads under the republican knife. At last 
Robespierre, in this general conflagration, fearing for 
his own life, requested the Convention to decree the 
existence of a Supreme Being, and the immortality 
of the soul; and upon reviving these old principles, 
he endeavored to become dictator. However, his 
hypocrisy could not save him from the just punish- 
ment he deserved for all the calamities in which 
France had been plunged under his rule; and accom- 
panied with his principal colleagues, he perished by 
the hands of his brothers, for the sake of public 
safety. Their disappearance soon followed by the 
execution of a few others wiped out entirely the 
Jacobite party, and was the first step towards the 
return of peace. 

Oh! what would have the authors of those sophis- 
tical and monstrous principles said, if raised alive 
from their graves amidst the wrecks of their political 
edifice? What would they have thought of the prac- 
tical working of their experimental philosophy, and 
of their natural forces? How interesting would Vol- 
taire have looked with all his grimaces, in finding out 
the theories of his vanity and conceit thus confounded ? 
How disappointed would Jean Jacques Rousseau have 
felt, as to his "Emile,""^ who though educated by 

* Emile is the title of a literary work written by Jean Jacques 
Rousseau, in the eighteenth century, and intended to reform the sys- 
tem of education for bovs in France, This work was devoid of anv 



380 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

him to be an honest and laborious artisan, had be- 
come through his education, a destroyer of property, 
a cut-throat, a raper, an incest? 

It is said that the French revohition was directed 
against the despotism of kings and privileged classes. 
This is partly true with regard to its beginning; but 
the subsequent overthrow of the constitutional mon- 
archy was the severest blow which the- nation could 
receive. Moreover, the revolution has demonstrated 
in the most striking manner, that if a despotic or 
corrupt monarchy is bad, a democracy is still worse; 
nor can ever the wrongs of the former prove the truth 
or the justice of the latter. In a corrupt monarchy, 
abuses are confined to a few, and the safety of the 
nation lies in the integrity of the masses; but in a 
corrupt republic, almost all classes of society being 
affected, there can be no salvation for it, except in 
its adopting a stronger government. Republicans or 
democrats are sometimes heard to say: "In mon- 
archies only a few men can make money, but in re- 
publics every one has a chance to get rich, out of the 
government." They might as well say: "A republic 
can ruin a nation faster than any other form of gov- 
ernment." 

It is very wrong to impute to monarchial principles 
the disasters of France under the reign of Louis XV, 
as her contending powers, were not themselves repub- 
lics, but monarchies. 

religious ideas; it greatly contributed to the out-break of the French 
revolution and afterwards proved not only impracticable, but very 
dangerous. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 38 I 

A revolution against a government may some times 
furnish very effective pills for purification; but pills 
are bad food to live upon, for nations as well as for 
individuals. It was owing to the restoration of mon- 
archy and of the Church, to the union of religion 
and philosophy, that the republicans, as well as 
others, saved their lives. Had they depended on 
their own principles their Goddess of Reason would 
have exterminated all of them. Yet they were still 
so ingrate, and so blind, afterwards, as to revolt 
again against the same power. 

Notwithstanding all that can be said of any prince 
of the Bourbon dynasty, it is under their rule that 
the French people have developed that thriftiness, 
and acquired those habits of economy and that re= 
cuperative power which enables them to recover so 
rapidly from defeat and disasters, and which combined 
with their talents and their natural resources, place 
them among the wealthiest nations of the globe. 
Many centuries are necessary to build up a country 
like France. What has accomplished this, if not 
monarchy ? During their whole existence, the French 
people have had no more than thirty years of repub- 
licanism. 

It is not rational to attribute to any special defects 
in the character of the French people, the faihire of 
their political theories. If that revolution, accom- 
panied with such inconsistencies, such errors, such 
atrocities, had been the effect of an initaMo tciupor- 
ament, or caused by a state of ignorance, it might 



382 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

fairly be said that the French nation would be so 
inferior and so defective in intellect, as to be almost 
worthless. But when we consider the great deeds 
which this people have performed, since the begin- 
ning of their existence, in peace and in war, when 
we look at their high attainments in all branches of 
learning, we are compelled to admit, that, with the 
faults ascribed to them, they are as bright and intel- 
ligent as any other people on earth, and therefore, 
those poHtical troubles are attributable to a mistaken 
idea characteristic of almost all nations, and the more 
earnestly expressed by the Greek and the Latin races, 
that they can as safely exercise their free will in pub- 
lic, as in their private, affairs. The French people 
resemble the ancient Greeks in all things; they have 
the same genius, the same talents, the same virtues 
and the same vices; they are as fond of pleasures and 
of wars, of honor and of vain glory; and they are as 
much inclined to republicanism, and equally as in- 
capable of it, as were the /Athenians in the times of 
Philip and Alexander. But they might, perhaps, 
longer preserve a republic, if the masses were inclined 
to be satisfied and contented under a regime of cor- 
ruption. 

It is worthy of notice that of all classes of the pop- 
ulation, the husbandmen, the shepherds, the fisher- 
men, are the most virtuous citizens in republics, and 
the easiest governed under a monarchial rule, in 
modern, as well as in ancient times. It is the popu- 
lation of cities, and especially that of the most popu- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 383 

lous cities, that overtaxes the power of a democracy, 
and renders a strong government indispensable for a 
great nation; and moreover it is the class of men who 
clamor the loudest for political liberty that are the 
more unworthy of it. After passing from absolutism 
to representative monarchy, they want a democracy; 
and this soon or late brings them anarch}^ and throat 
cutting. 

Although, it must be admitted that Napoleon I. was, 
as an absolute monarch, incapable to promote the 
felicity of a nation, he does not deserve all the cen- 
sure for the wars of his reign; for they were, it may 
justly be said, but the continuance of those inaugur- 
ated under the republic, before his time. 

Napoleon III. is often censured for having been false 
to his oath of allegiance to the republic. His crime, 
if he committed any, was to swear to maintain the 
republic; and if one swears to the commission of a 
crime, is he duty-bound to be true to his oath? Nor 
is he to be blamed alone for the Franco-German 
war; the republicans were, like the government, 
greatly responsible for it. 

The present republic of France and the American 
democracy are often considered alike in principles; 
but there is a vast difference between them. The 
government of France is almost similar to that of 
England. They differ principally as to the institu- 
tion of the first magistracy. In the former, the ruler 
is elected by the two chambers of the government on 
a joint ballot; in England, the sovereignty is he- 
reditary. 



1 



84 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 



In France three churches are supported by the 
government; the Roman Cathohc, the Hebrew, and 
the Protestant (Calvinist and Lutheran). 

The state of corruption into which some of the 
deputies and other notable men sank themselves, in 
the Panama Canal affair, is owing principally to the 
fact that the president of France is removable, and 
elected by the chambers. Had he been inamovable 
from his position, he could, no doubt, have inspired 
them with sufficient respect to preserve their integ- 
rity, amidst temptations. But on the other hand, 
the swiftness with which the laws are executed when 
compared to the course of American justice, must be 
attributed to the fact that the judges and other court 
officials hold their positions independently of politics, 
and so long as they are considered worthy of them, 
respectively. When we look seriousl}^ over the course 
of political events in France, since the revolution of 
1 789, taking in consideration the Napoleonic wars, and 
the unsettled condition of affairs arising from so 
many changes in her government, it is not hazardous 
saying that, had the French people preserved like 
England their Constitutional monarchy with the 
Bourbon famil-^' on the throne, they would be more 
prosperous and more formidable than they, are now. 
The effect of their former republican ideas on their 
morals and national vitality shall be treated upon in 
the article of "Church and State." 

France has an area of about 204, 1 50 English square 
miles, and a population of a little over 37,000,000. It 




ANCIENT AND MODERN 7^^^ 

has also many colonies in Asia, Africa, America and 
Oceanica. 



THE BRITISH EMPIRE. 

THE CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY OF ENGLAND REFUTES 
THOMAS PAINE'S PRINCIPAL IDEAS OF MAN'S 
RIGHTS, BY A LONG PERIOD OF WONDER- 
FUL PROSPERITY. 

In the year 1791, Thomas Paine, in his political 
work, "Rights of Man," commented in the highest 
terms of encomium upon the principles of the French 
republic, which overthrew the limited monarchy of 
Louis XVI. and sent him to the guillotine. In citing 
both this democracy and the American constitution, 
as the model governments for all the nations of the 
world, he attempted to alienate the reigning family 
of England from the affection of their people and 
denounce this monarchy as contrary to industrial de- 
velopment and commerce. So attractive and so in- 
sidious was his language, that even William Pitt, the 
Prime Minister of England, at that time, was, it is 
said, almost converted by it. And, if it could have 
moved such a powerful mind, it must certainh- have 
exerted great influence upon man}' others. Neverthe- 
less, it would be unfair to annoy the reader with any 
quotations from Paine, and useless to attempt at 
refuting, by force of arguments, any of bis t1ieorie<; 

2b 



^86 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

as their merits have been fully determined by the 
results of long experiments. The course of eveiits 
following all his assertions and predictions have proven 
that the principles by which republicans asserted and 
proposed to exercise their rights are false, and most 
dangerous to both individuals and nations. The 
French republic was but of a few years duration in 
which we have seen the leaders of its political factions 
destroy one another. Thomas Paine, himself, the 
personification of conceit and self-esteem, who said 
that no one could ever refute his ideas, narrowly 
escaped from his brother Robespierre's engine of 
death, for having opposed his will, and received a 
term of imprisonment, as the blessing of the Goddess 
of Reason for his religious devotion. His doctrines 
which a few years before had been regarded as unan- 
swerable, were now very practically answered. While 
France has, since that time, experienced many politi- 
cal revolutions, the government of Great Britain has 
remained unchanged, and has always been most 
effective, in administering justice and preserving order 
in the country, in promoting the prosperity of the 
people at home, and prompt in protecting its subjects 
abroad. 

When'the natural circumstances, the industrial and 
commercial advancement, the vital statistics, of the 
countr}', and the moral development of the British 
nation are examined, it can fairly be asked, how 
could the people have been more prosperous than 
they were under their present government. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 38/ 

The area of the British Isles is 121,115 square miles, 
with a population of 37,740,000, acccndii]^ to the 
census of 1891, an increase of abuut 2,855,000 in 
ten years. This shows a proportion of 309 nihabi- 
tants to the square mile. England and Wales, taken 
separately, have an area of 58,320 square miles, and 
a population of 27,560,000 in 1891 or at least, 471 
inhabitants to the mile, and nearly 19,000,000 more 
than in 1801. 

It is a subject of deep consideration, that, although 
that country does not produce half enough to feed its 
present population, the English people have accumu- 
lated the most colossal fortunes on earth. It is true 
that they were compensated, in a great measure, by 
their mineral wealth. But would they have preserved 
or acquired those energies indispensable to develop 
their m.aterial resources, and would they have gained 
their commercial supremacy in the world, had one 
third or one half their population depended on politics 
for a livelihood, as greatly did the Americans, now, 
for more than a century? 

It is not alone in manufacturing iron, steel, woolen 
or cotton, goods, that the English people exhibit' 
their greatness; but having to improve their talents, 
in all branches of learning, like the French, they 
have attained the highest degree of perfection in 
sciences, art and literature. It is worthy of notice 
that under their conseivative institutions, notwith- 
standing their extreme poverty in produce, the vitahty 
of tlic nation has devcl"opod itself into [)hilanthropy. 



388 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

What more liberality could thev extend to the nations 
of the earth than that these should be free to compete 
against the manufactures of England, by importing, 
to this country, the products of their own industries, 
free from duties? 

Now, admirers of Thomas Paine, what do you 
think of that English government, which your press H 
editors, or other like philosophers are pleased to call "' 
"efTete monarchy?*' 

Remarks are frequently made regarding the small- 
ness of the number of its land owners; it has been 
said, that no more than thirt\' thousand persons 
owned England, Wales, and Ireland. Nevertheless, 
the statistics of 1873 show that in the two former 
alone there were, at that time, more than 95,000 real 
estate owners. 

The limited monarchy of Great Britain consists of 
a Sovereign, a House of Lords, and a House of Com- 
mons. The succession is hereditary in the House of 
Hanover, in male line, and in failure of this, in female 
line. The executive povver is vested in the Sovereign, 
who also exercises considerable power in the legisla- 
tive department. 

In Great Britain, there are two established 
Churches; the Episcopal in England and Wales, and 
the Presbyterian, in Scotland; but the Catholics, the 
Jews, and other religious sects, enjoy the free exercise 
of their faith. The Episcopal Church is governed by 
two Arch-bishops and thirty-two bishops. The Arch- 
bishops and twenty-four of the bishops sit in .the 
House of Lords. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 389 

The British Empire comprehends, besides England, 
Scotland, and Ireland; East Indies and other Eastern 
possessions. West Indies, Australasia, the Dominion 
of Canada, possessions in Africa and in Europe. It 
occupies an area of nearly nine million English 
square miles, and has a population of m.ore than 
three hundred and fifty millions. 

In the seventeenth century, the English people, 
like some other nations, at times, became affected 
with a democratic fever, accompanied by a momentary 
cerebral derangement, which brought them many 
serious troubles in rapid succession. In less than 
fifteen years. King Charles the First lost both his 
crown and his head; an absolute monarch}^ was over- 
thrown ; a democracy was established and abandoned ; 
and the monarchy was restored with Charles the 
Second, on the throne of his father, who had perished 
in the struggle of the English people for the cause of 
political liberty. Now, how can men of sense or little 
knowledge believe the assertions of Thomas Paine, 
of Victor Hugo, or of other such writers, that the 
vSovereign of England holds his crown against the will 
of the people? 

There is scarce any thing, in political history, so 
worthy of notice as such series of important events in 
the life of that vigorous nation. The English people, 
the first champions of liberty in modern times, noted 
for their good sense, their shrewdness, their phlegm- 
atic temperament, and sound jiulgment in political, 
as well as in commercial, affairs, thinking, studying. 



390 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

and trying to devise a system of government, not for 
the world, but for themselves alone; having nothing 
to fear from any foreign interference in their domestic 
difficulties, because of their being protected against 
it by their insular position, and having acquired a 
vast experience through all their civil and religious 
broils, from the time of Henr}' VIII, became tired of 
a republic of only eleven years duration. This short 
reign of a Cromwell's capricious tyranny seemed to 
the English people a very long period of despotism 
and taught them a lesson, in politics and in the nature 
of men, which they were not soon to forget. The 
entire nation greeted with joy the restoration of the 
monarchy; and although Charles II. was not ranking 
among the most exemplary men of his country, the 
people never afterwards regretted their change, 
knowing from dear experiments that they could rather 
guard themselves against the vices of a prince, than 
safely trust to the virtues and the liberal spirit of 
republicans. 

It is not denied that subsequently they could have 
found at home, a great many men more worthy of 
the Sovereignty than George I; but their selection of 
him was wise enough, in view of all the dangerous 
animosities and bitter rivalry justly apprehended to 
arise from old contending factions, if an English 
noble famil}' had been elevated to the throne. 

Ever since the restoration, the people have granted 
themselves more liberties; and the freedom of the 
press and of speech are all that can be desired. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 39I 

Under their Constitutional monarchy they enjoy the 
wisest kind of democracy. In the presence of a 
stable Sovereign whose chief duty and personal in- 
terest is to carry the will of the people and protect 
the rights of individuals and society no mobs are 
allowed to take the law in their own hands, as they 
do in the American republic; nor can any corrupt 
ring easily use parliament or official positions for 
scheming against the nation. 

It is not in the Royalty, not in the House of Lords, 
not in the House of Commons, but it is in the com- 
bination, and in the union, of these parts, that the 
wisdom of the British government resides. Under 
this constitution the nation has but little to fear from 
a royal despot, from the acts of a noble fool, from 
the tyranny or haughtiness of aristocracy, from the 
conduct of ill-bred dudes, and from the rapacity of 
republican demagogues. 



SCOTLAND. 

The total area of Scotland is about thirty thousand 
nine hundred square miles, with a density of popula- 
tion of about one hundred and twenty-five to the 
mile. The ownership of the soil, in this country, is 
far more distributed among the people, than in Eng- 
land or Ireland; and upwards of one third of the 
population have shares in it. 

A great deal more manufactuiing is done than in 



392 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Ireland, but much less than in England. Most of 
the British steam vessels are constructed in Scotland. 
England and Scotland became united in the reign of 
Queen Anne. 

The Scotch, as well as the English, have had a 
large number of great men, almost in all branches of 
learning or of industry. They are also noted for 
their business abilities, for laboriousness and persever- 
ance in all their pursuits, and renowned for their in- 
trepidit}^ their cool courage and their stability on the 
battle field. 



IRELAND. 

Influenced by the example of the French revolu- 
tion, the Irish rose in arms against England, 1798, 
and attempted to establish a republic. After many 
reverses they were totally defeated near Wexford. 
The reinforcements which they subsequently received 
from France were, first successful, but, at last con- 
quered by the army of Cornwallis. From that time 
the old Irish Parliament was abolished, and the union 
formed between Great Britain and Ireland. The 
Catholics gained their emancipation in 1829, through 
the policy of the duke of Wellington, a Protestant 
Irishman, and at that time the Prime Minister of 
England. 

Ireland occupies an area of about 32,530 square 
miles, and is divided into four provinces, namely: 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 393 

Connaught, Munster, Ulster and Leinster; which are 
subdivided into five, six, nine and twelve counties, 
respectively. These thirty-two counties comprehend 
three hundred and sixteen baronies, including two 
thousand five hundred and thirty-two parishes divided 
into about sixty thousand seven hundred and fifty 
townlands having an average size of three hundred 
acres each. 

In the year 1845 the population reached far above 
eight millions, but famine and pestilence reduced it 
considerably between the years 1846 and 1853. 
Thousands of emigrants went to England, but the 
most of them took the route to the United States of 
America; as they settled in foreign countries, a great 
many others were encouraged to join them, and con- 
sequently the population of Ireland has always con- 
tinued to decrease. Nevertheless its density yet is 
of about one hundred and fifty-five to the square 
mile, which is more than seven times the average 
number for the same area in the United States, or 
more than one sixth larger than that of prosperous 
Scotland. Is this not a remarkably good showing for 
a country, whose desolation and- misery are so much 
lamented by republicans, throughout the world? 
About 1 88 1, the least populous portion of Irclantl 
was King's county, in the province of Leinster, 
being ninety-two to the mile. 

In 1 87 1, about eight million live hundred and six 
thousand Irish-born people \Vere reported to exist in 
Ireland and foreii-n countries. 



1 



394 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The soil of Ireland is very fertile, bat the weather 
is often very injurious to the crops. It is also rich in 
minerals. Iron is found in large quantity; but the 
supply of coal is short. 

The manufacture of woolen, linen, lace and muslin 
goods emploNs more than three hundred thousand 
persons. 

The advantages for shipping are not excelled by 
those of any other country. Yet manufacturing and 
commerce are not what some people think they ought 
to be. 

Natural causes have been more unfavorable to the 
development of mdustry and commerce in Ireland, 
since the use of the steam, than its unhappy political 
relations to England. The fact that iron and coal 
were found abundantly, side by side, both in Scotland 
and in the latter coutry, gave them a decided advant- 
age over Ireland, in manufacturing; and as the expor- 
tations from the British Isles were to consist princi- 
pally of manufactured products, the ports of England, 
naturally, were to be the main shipping points. 

It is wrong to al\va3'S attribute, in any country, 
the absence of extensive industries in presence of its 
vast natural wealth to a lack of energy or enterprise 
on the part of its people or to the unwise policy of 
its government. Besides Great Britain, France, 
Germany, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland and the United 
States of America, there are many countries, very 
rich in produce and minerals, but whose slowness in 
industrial advancement is often alluded to. Here is 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 395 

the difficult}': The population of the world is yet too 
small to require the development of all its natural 
resources. And how many centuries will elapse be- 
fore it becomes necessary to carry the ideas of some 
enthusiastic but injudicious schemers, by employing 
the ways of all the oceans and seas along their shores, 
as motive power for manufacturing? 

The Irish are among the wittiest people of the 
earth, and have produced a large number of notable 
men. They can boast of very accomplished scholars, 
of brilliant orators and writers, of able jurists and 
celebrated architects, of sagacious politicians and 
statesmen, of famous generals and brave soldiers 
They are valiant and constant defenders of their 
rights and principles. They can be devoted and 
serviceable friends, and very effective enemies; but 
their rancor, however so fierce, is easily disarmed, 
and promptly changed to the opposite sentiment. 



SPAIN. 

Spain, with an area of a little more than one hun- 
dred and ninety-eight thousand square miles, has a 
population of upwards of sixteen million five hundred 
thousand, a density of more than eighty-five. 

Agriculture is the chief occupation of the pojnila- 
tion. But the soil is not entirol\- fertile, and irriga- 
tion is necessary. Cereals, wines and fruits are the 
principal objects of culli\ation. The breeding of 



T 



96 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 



cattle has lately received considerable attention from 
the population. The country possesses vast mineral 
resources, which have not been as yet but very little 
developed. Its commerce is growing with the build- 
ing of railways, and its population is now increasing 
far more rapidly than that of France. Catholicism 
is the state religion, and Spain is still the most 
Catholic country in the world. Education is now 
compulsory. 

Its government is a limited monarch}', and consists 
of a Sovereign whose crown is hereditary, a Senate 
and a House of Deputies. The present ruler is of 
the Bourbon dynasty, and the son of the late King 
Alfonso XII. He was only seven years of age on 
May 17th, 1893. To his mother is entrusted the 
regency for the period of his minority. 

At the occasion of the visit of his aunt, the Infanta 
Eulalia to the United States, the Americans have 
remarked that the Ro3'al family of Spain would have 
the opportunity of witnessing faster traveling than 
at the time of Christopher Columbus. On the other 
hand, the Spanish Royalty teaches the fast Americans 
and their statesmen how its little King, in the cradle, 
protects his subjects agamst extravagant velocity and 
accidents and can save them from the horrors of 
lynching or other like lawlessness. 

The colonies of Spain are: Cuba, Forto Rico, 
Philippine Islands, Fernando Po, and a few more 
islands in the Pacific Ocean, comprising a population 
of about eight million. 



ANCIENT AND MODIiKN 39/ 

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. 

The reigning dynasty of the Austro-Hungarian 
empire is the Hapsburgh-Lothringen family, which 
was promoted in the thirteenth century by Rudolph 
King of Germany and count of Hapsburgh. This 
event was sanctioned by the electoral college, and 
cordially adhered to by the entire population. The 
succession is hereditary, in the male, and in default 
of this, in the female, line. 

Austria and Hungary have separate parliaments. 
That of Austria consists of a House of Lords and a 
House of representatives. The House of Lords is 
composed of princes of the Imperial Family, of nobles 
of the highest order, whose title is hereditary, of the 
bishops and archbishops who are princes, and of 
other members exalted by the Emperor, for great 
services rendered to the State. The Lower House 
has about three hundred and fifty members, elected 
by all citizens possessing, at least, a small property- 
qualification. 

The parliament of Hungary, consists of a Lower 
and an Upper House. 

Austria-Hungary occupies an area of 240,000 Eng- 
lish square miles, and, in 1869 had a population of 
nearly thirty-seven millions, which gave a proportion 
of about one hundred and fifty-four inhabitants to 
the square mile. 

At least two thirds of the population are catholic^, 
and education, in all its branches, is making a rapid 



■J 



98 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 



progress. The catholic, the protestant and the Greek, 
churches, and the Jews also, have their own schools. 
Besides these, there are many institutions of learn- 
ing, and scientific and literary societies. 

Agriculture is the chief occupation of the popula- 
tion. The crops yield more than four hundred million 
bushels of grain. Austria does not offer great advant- 
ages for shipping and land transportation, being very 
mountainous, and having but very little sea-coast. 
Nevertheless its commerce with foreign nations is 
increasing rapidly, and its manufactures which hr.ve 
been very progressive for many years have now 
assumed extensive proportions. The principal sea- 
ports of the Empire are Fiume and Trieste, on the 
Adriatic. 

No nation has done more than Austria to promote 
its military power. Her schools, and her mode of 
discipline are not surpassed. Military service is 
compulsory on all competent men, and is for twelve 
years. 



THE GERMAN EMPIRE. 

The German empire is a confederacy, composed of 
four kingdoms, five duchies, six grand-duchies, seven 
principalities, and three free towns. Each of them 
makes its own laws. Alsace-Lorraine is entirely 
controlled by the central governn^.ent. The king of 
Prussia is the emperor of German}-, who directs the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 399 

military and political affairs of the empire in the name 
of the union. 

The crown is hereditary in the Hohenzollern family, 
which came to the throne of Prussia in 1701. 
Would any one who has but a little knowledge vent- 
ure to say that this family has reigned in Prussia for 
nearly two hundred years, and is now the head of 
the German empire, against the will of the people? 

The emperor is assisted by a bunderath or federal 
council, which represents the governments of all the 
states. 

The emperor, the bunderath and the reichstag 
perform the legislative functions of the Empire. The 
members of the latter branch are elected by universal 
suffrage for a term of three years, one by every hun- 
dred thousand inhabitants. The executive power is 
vested in the emperor, who represents the empire in 
all international affairs, but can not declare an 
offensive war without the consent of the federal 
council. 

Each state has the right to send ambassadors to 
foreign courts; but all consuls must be named by the 
emperor. The chancellor of the empire is the pres- 
ident of the federal council. 

The emperor must approve, and the chancellor 
must countersign, all imperial measures enacted by the 
council and the reichstag, before they become laws. 

The German empire has an an-a of JoS,ooo S(]uui"e 
niilcs. In 1875, the population of ("iorinany \va> 
nearly forty-three millions, a density of two hunilied 
and five inhabitants to the square mile. 



400 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The arable lands in Germany, including vineyards 
and gardens, occupy about one half of the territory. 
Although it is not all fertile, very little of it is unfit 
for culture. Throughout the country the soil is well 
cultivated. 

It is worthy of notice in this country, as well as in 
all others, where only a few people depend on politics 
for their existence, that the skill used in the culture 
of the soil, is great, and has compensated certain 
localities for the inferior character of lands in their 
primitive state. Wheat, rye, oats and barley, millet, 
maize, tobacco, etc., are raised. The vine is culti- 
vated principally in the Rhine district. The cultiva- 
tion of grazing lands, and the breeding of cattle, are 
carried extensively in some parts of the country. 

For minerals, Germany ranks next to England, and 
on the same line with France. Coal and iron, 
especially, being found in great abundance, have 
made Germany a great industrial state. The value 
of fabrics exported exceed by far that of those 
imported. 

In 1875, the protestants were about two thirds, and 
the catholics, one third, of the population. The 
Jews numbered nearly five hundred and twenty-one 
thousand; the dissenters and the free-thinkers, one 
hundred and one thousand. 

In no country is learning more encouraged than in 
Germany. School education is compulsory on the 
entire population. Fine arts, sciences and philoso- 
phy in all its branches, are deeply studied. The 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 401 

empire abounds with large libraries, scientific societies, 
observatories, and newspapers; and the book trade 
is of very great importance. 

Since iSyi, every able-bodied German must serve 
seven years in the standing army, and five years more 
in the landwehr; nor is he allowed to substitute any 
one in his place. To her splendid military system, 
inaugurated by Frederick the Great of Prussia, Ger- 
many, no doubt, owes the rank she occupies among 
nations. Could the Germans have attained their 
present state of prosperity, if instead of giving their 
attention to industries, to study, and to economy, 
millions of them had had the opportunities of attempt- 
ing to secure their living out of the government? 
There is nothing that can more satisfactorily demon- 
strate the wisdom of monarchy than that it could, 
without the assistance of any great material resources, 
raise a nation to that high degree of civilization and 
material power which German^^ and principally 
Prussia, have attained, notwithstanding the vast 
armies, which their position among other powerful 
nations, impelled them to maintain. Germany has 
possessions in Africa and Oceanica. 



TURKEY. 

European Turkey covers about one hundred and 
thirty-eight thousand six luuulrcd square miles, and 
has a population of little more than ten million two 

»6 



402 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

hundred thousand; a density of sevent3'-four. 

Asiatic Turkey has an area of six hundred and 
ninety-one thousand six hundred miles, with a popu- 
lation of about twenty-five milHon, a density of at 
least thirty six. 

The Turkish possessions in Africa have a population 
of about eight million scattered over a territory of 
little more than eight hundred thousand square miles; 
a density of ten to the mile. 

The Turks are principally engaged in agriculture; 
and the foreign trade is mostly carried on by the 
Greeks, the Jews and foreigners. 

The government is an absolute monarchy. The 
Sultan controls the spiritual as well as the temporal 
power, being recognized as the successor of the 
Prophet. However, his prerogative is considerably 
tempered, by the concourse of man}^ great influences, 
both local and foreign. 

As to the judicial department, all cases between 
Turks and foreigners are tried in the imperial courts, 
but a consul's representative has the right to see that 
his countrymen obtain justice. Cases between for- 
eigners of one nationality are heard before their re- 
spective consuls; and those of different nationalities 
are decided by the court of the defendant. 

Turkey is often called "The Sick Man of Europe." 
Nevertheless, the Poor Invalid has suf^cient vigor to 
curb the insolent power of demagogues, to inflict pun- 
ishment upon the guilt}^ and to prevent mobs from 
taking the law in their hands. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 4C3 

ITALY. 

The unification of Italy under one government was 
the work of the people. It was a grand spectacle to 
observe the wisdom of the Italian statesmen in lead- 
ing them from a chaos to their present political situ- 
ation. It had been anticipated by many that they 
would establish a republic; but Cavour and his 
colleagues were too wise to try dangerous experi- 
ments, and preferred a constitutional monarchy to 
democracy, 

Italy has a population of about twenty-seven 
millions, occupying a territory of one hundred and 
fourteen thousand four hundred miles. It is an 
agricultural country. Following the cereals and the 
wine, the olive is the principal object of cultivation. 
Sicily yields very large crops of lemons and oranges. 
Cattle-breeding is considerably carried on. Italy is 
a wool-growing country. It is also very important 
by its manufacturing interests in various branches of 
industry. Commerce is growing rapidly, and educa- 
tion in all branches is being extensively diffused. 
Italy possesses a large number of national universities 
and public libraries. 



JAPAN. 



Japan, in Asia, is governed by an absolute monarchy. 
The Sovereign or Mikado, administers the state affairs 



404 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

with the assistance of a Senate, which was estab- 
lished onl}' a few j^ears ago. The rehgions are the 
Buddhist and the Sliinto, and education is compulsory, 

Japan has a population of at least 35,000,000 upon 
an area of 148,750 miles. Its soil is fertile enough, 
and produces wheat, rice, barley, etc. It is also rich 
in minerals. There are many extensive cotton and 
silk factories, and artistic manufacturing of great 
variety is extensively carried on, in which the 
Japanese exhibit considerable skill and taste. 

The Japanese are far more favorable than the 
Chinese to Europeans and Americans, and are intro- 
ducing many reforms on the model of their civiliza- 
tion. Railroads, telegraphs, etc. are being built 
throughout the country. 



THE CHINESE EMPIRE. 

China proper has an area of about one million four 
hundred thousand, and the Chinese Empire is said 
to cover at least four million five hundred thousand 
square miles. A very large portion of this country 
is very fertile, and agriculture is the main occupation 
of the population. Fruits of both the tropical and 
temperate zones, sugar-cane and cotton are cultivated. 
Millet and rice, the chief food of the population, are 
abundantly raised. Manufacturing is extensively 
carried on. Tea and silk are the principal objects 
of export. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 405 

The government is an absolute and patriarchal 
monarchy. The Emperor is recognized by the people 
as their Father and regarded responsible for their 
behavior and condition. The chief policy of this 
absolutism has two objects; first to inspire the popu- 
ation with parental and filial piety, which can not 
fail to redound advantageously to the interests of both 
individuals and the entire nation, in maintaining 
order and justice in the country and promoting their 
happiness. Its second aim is to multiply the national 
family, by encouraging early marriages, and educating 
the people to consider the procreation of children as 
their chief and most religious duty. These princi- 
ples have rendered the Chinese the most populous 
nation of the earth. China itself, is said to have four 
hundred million, and the population of the Empire 
is supposed to exceed five hundred million inhabitants. 

Such a wonderful result should serve as a most 
important subject of study to some nations, which, 
although aspiring to greatness, have taken a course 
entirely contrary to that of the Chinese. 

The Emperor, in the administration of state affairs, 
is assisted by a council of advisers and censors. He 
has the power of life and death over his subjects, but 
very seldom exercises it. The laws are very rigidly 
enforced throughout the Empire, and sometimes the 
most unmanageable miscreants are put to torture. 

The religions are. Buddhism, Confucianism, Taou- 
ism and Mahometanism. 

Education is compulsory. That of girls is princi- 



406 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

pally confined to needle-work and the art of cooking, 
to modesty, respect for their superiors, and obedience 
to their husbands. Should this mode of education 
prevail among the women of all nations, there would 
be more happiness in married life, less divorces, and 
fewer reformers or advocates of woman's rights. 
The education of boys embraces the study of many 
subjects. Nor can any one hold a public office, who 
is not declared fully competent for it after three 
special examinations. In this respect, as in many 
others, have the Americans much to learn, even from 
the Chinese. 

The people of China are very frugal, moderate and 
industrious. These characteristics have been, in a 
great measure, developed in their nature by the 
absence, in their system of education, of any theory 
capable of exciting strong desires in the heart of 
man. They have almost continually lived in peace; 
nor are any other people on earth more satisfied than 
them with their condition and their government. 
Rather than perceiving any ground for reforms they 
have always manifested a strong feeling of hostility 
to. missionaries of all foreign creeds. 

The Chinese are inferior to the European and 
American nations, in physical vigor, but almost equal 
to them in intellectual powers. Recently, the Amer- 
icans, the English and the French have commenced 
teaching them the art of modern warfare. Conse- 
quently, the time may soon come when the Celestial 
inhabitants will carry their m.ilitary science into 



I 



« 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 407 

effect, even against their instructors. What would 
be the result of the movement of such a tremendous 
body of souls, expanding beyond their present lines 
and attempting to conquer territory, cannot be fore- 
told; but the mere thought of such an event suffices 
to give warning, at least, if not immediate alarm. 

The construction of a fleet, on the coast of China, 
capable of transporting across the Pacific an army 
formidable enough to invade America could not be 
performed without coming to the Americans' obser- 
vation; but the Western coast of this Continent is so 
long and so unprotected that a powerful hostile navy 
might safely approach it at many points. The march 
of China's legions would be greatly favored by aland 
route in a project to conquer Europe and the rest of 
Asia. 



BELGIUM. 

Belgium has a territory of only 11,373 square 
miles, and is the most densely populated countr}- in 
Europe, the number of its inhabitants averaging more 
than five hundred to the square mile. 

Agriculture is extensive when the area of the 
country is considered, but is not sufficient for its tre- 
mendous population. It is to coal, iron anel other 
mines, and t(^ its various and numerous branches of 
industry that the prospeiity of the Belgians is due 

It is also owing to the wisdom of its political iusti- 



408 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

tutions that such a large population can exist on 
such a small bit of land, that any riot can be speedily 
suppressed, and no mob arrogates to itself the legal 
power by lynching or other like methods. 

The government of Belgium is a Constitutional 
hereditary monarchy. The King is declared inviola- 
ble, but his ministers are responsible for the acts of 
the administration. The population is almost entirely 
Catholic, havmg no more than twenty thousand 
Protestants and four thousand Jews. Nevertheless 
the Belgians have manifested such a liberal spirit 
towards religious liberty that the ministers of each 
sect receive subsidies from the state. The French 
language is the most spoken. 

Education is greatly encouraged. Besides estab- 
lishmicnts of primary, secondar}^ and superior classes, 
numerous special schools, literary and scientific 
schools, academies of fine arts, and public libraries, 
are established throughout the country. 

The prcbS enjoys a vast domain of freedom, but as 
in all other well governed countries, it is bound to 
respect a certain limit; it has no right to publish any 
legal matters without permission of the courts, or to 
slander any one, or meddle in any individual's affairs 
with impunity. 



HOLLAND. 

Holland comprises an area of twelve thousand 
seven hundred and thirty-one square miles, and has 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 409 

a population of about four million showing a density 
of more than three hundred. 

The soil is unfavorable to crops, and even the 
mineral resources are scanty. Nevertheless, the indus- 
try of the country has been greatly promoted since its 
separation from Belgium. The breeding of cattle is 
extensively carried on, and the fisheries are the most 
abundant sources of subsistence. The foreign com- 
merce is still active, and Holland is noted for its able 
financiers and rich capitalists. 

The government is a constitutional monarchy. 
But although the ministers are responsible, the 
Sovereign has more authority than either in Belgium 
or in England. He can declare war and conclude 
peace, make treaties and alliances, controls the finan- 
cial department, and is the Supreme Commander of 
the army. He directs all appointments to the pub- 
lic service, and exerts much influence over the legis- 
lative power, while to him alone is entrusted the ex- 
ecutive authority. All religions and the press are 
free, and all denominations are supported by the 
state. Education is greatly diffused among the pop- 
ulation. 



THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE. 

The Slavonic race to which the Russians belong, 
is a branch of the Caucasian family. The Scamlina- 
vians and the Russians, after being long consitiorod 



410 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

the descendants from distinct races, became at last 
combined. 

Rurik was the founder of the empire, and the city 
of Kieff was the first in it, known to the world, about 
the ninth century. One of the successors of Rurik 
commissioned ambassadors to visit foreign countries 
for studying the different religions, and upon com- 
parison, adopted the faith of the Greek Orthodox 
Church. He made himself master of the city of 
Cherson, in Crimea, which, at that time, was an 
integral part of the Byzantine empire, and succeeded 
to marry Anne, the emperor's daughter, on condition 
that he received baptism. After the marriage cere- 
mony, which took place in Constantinople, he returned 
to Kieff, and ordered the image of Perun, the Slavonic 
god to be thrown into the river. On the following 
day, all the inhabitants following his example and 
obeying his orders, went to be baptized in the waters 
of the river. Thus was Russia Christianized. A 
great many republicans and democrats may laugh at 
this religious act, and call it superstition; but the 
conversion of a people, placing themselves under a- 
moral power, is a more sublinie spectacle, and gives 
a state more strength and more felicit}^ than the 
action of twelve million sovereigns, proceeding to 
the polls, in a corrupt republic. 

His son Yarosloff, prince of Novgorod, was the first 
legislator of Russia. The country was, afterwards, 
weakened and divided, for a time, in Aspanages. In 
this period the people of Galicia offered the govern - 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 4 I I 

ment of their principality to Roman, of Volhynia, 
who was successful in securing the throne only after 
a hard and bloody struggle. In the thirteenth cen- 
tury, Russia is invaded, for the first time, by the 
Mongols; and in the fourteenth, Galicia is absorbed 
in the Polish republic, and annexed to Lithunia. 
During the time of the Mongol Supremacy the mate- 
rial progress of the country came to a standstill, and 
Moscow was burned by the Barbarians. 

In the fifteenth century Ivan III, the son of Vasilii 
founded the Russian autocracy. His national policy 
aiming at the consolidation of the entire Slavonic 
race under one crown was inaugurated by the loyalty 
and the patriotism of his subjects; and under his 
reign much territory and two republics were annexed 
to the Muscovite possessions. The subsequent 
aggrandizement and the strength of the empire 
resulted, not only from the inflexible rule of his suc- 
cessors Basil and Ivan IV, but also from the coopera- 
tion of most of the other tribes; for they were sensi- 
ble enough to see that it was far safer for them to be 
annexed to it, than to remain independent, for 
guarding themselves against both internal dissensions 
and foreign invasion. 

In the beginning of the seventeenth century, the 
time when, in all European countries feudalism was 
yielding to absolute monarchies, Michael, the first 
prince of the House of Romanoff ascended to the 
throne after, it is said, taking an oath to the Constitu- 
tion. He recalled his father Philarete from Warsaw 



4 I 2 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

where he had been incarceiated and promoted him 
to the patriarchate. Michael used his energies to 
improve the material condition of the people, and 
strengthened the arm}'. He was succeeded by his 
son, Alexis, and his grandson, Feodor. Next came 
Ivan and Peter, under Sophia's regency, during the 
period of their minority. Ivan, being incapacitated, 
both mentally and physicall}^ never toolv any part 
in the government. Peter, known as Peter the 
Great, assumed the administration of affairs in 1689. 

Russia, having no other outlet than the White Sea, 
which is almost continually obstructed by ice, Peter 
conceived the design to give his people ports on some 
other sea route. He began by attacking the Turks, 
defeated Charles XII. of Sweden; the Cossacks and 
their republic, having aided Charles, lost their inde- 
pendence, and were annexed by the Muscovite Czar. 
He now set to work to civilize the country, taking 
the nations of the West as his models; and with the 
assistance of some foreigners, whom he paid for this 
purpose, he accomplished much good. He put an 
end to the public flagellation of defaulting debtors, 
suppressed the Oriental Seraglios and the Oriental 
style of men's dress. He remodeled the army on the 
plan of the most civilized countries, and visited Paris 
with a view to find other improvements which could 
be safely introduced into the empire. 

The treaty of Nystad with Sweden gave Peter 
authority over Esthonia, Livonia, Ingria, and part 
of Finland; and in the following year, he became 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 413 

master of many important places on the Volga river. 
On the death of Peter, his widow, Catharine, suc- 
ceeded him, and continued to carry his plan of re- 
forms. According to the ukase promulgated by 
Peter, that the ruler had the right of appointing his 
successor, she named Peter II. the son of Alexis, and 
in default of him and his issue, Anna, wife of the 
duke of Holstein and Elizabeth, her daughters, Peter 
II. exhibiting a disposition to oppose his grandfather's 
reforms, removed his court to Moscow. After his 
death, Anna of Courland, was called to the throne by 
the "High Secret Council," and after assenting to their 
terms, made her entry into the latter city, now 
capital of the empire. But immediately afterwards, 
on the suggestion of certain advisers she destroyed 
the documents she had signed at the request of the 
council. She was strongly censured for favoring the 
Germans. 

On her death Elizabeth took the crown, and began 
her reign by opposing the Germans and restoring 
the Russian influence. In her time Frederick the 
Great of Prussia was defeated by the Russians, who 
soon after entered into Berlin. 

Peter III, son of her sister Anna, succeeded Eliza- 
beth, and Catharine his wife, a German woman, be- 
came the ruler of the Russian empire. It was in her 
reign thnt the country was divided into many govern- 
ments, each of them being subdivided into districts. 
To achieve the fulfillment of the projects of Peter 
the Great, she annexed the republic of the Zapo- 



4T4 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

rogian Cossacks and Crimea, and made the Church 
depend entirely upon the imperial government, by 
depriving the monostaries of their serfs and lands, 
alloting them payments proportionate to their 
importance. 

Catharine was, undoubtedly, a woman of transcend- 
ent genius, and since her death, which occurred in 
1796, her name has ever been remembered with pro- 
found respect by the Russians. Her son, Paul, took 
a part in the war against the French republic; he 
was assassinated, iSoi, and succeeded by his son, 
Alexander I, who had to defend Russia against most 
of the Napoleonic wars. Alexander had been forced 
by Napoleon to adhere to, and defend, the blockade, 
intended to close all continental ports to British 
commerce; but finding that Russia's interests were 
greatly injured by it, he withdrew his support from 
the French emperor, who in consequence of this, 
resolved to invade the Czar's vast dominions, in 1812. 
After several battles. Napoleon reached i\Ioscow, but 
this city having been set on fire by the Russians, he 
was compelled to retreat. The loss of his great 
army, was the beginning of his downfall. Alexander 
died in 1825. 

During those wars, Russia lost no territory, but 
acquired Finland which was surrendered by Sweden, 
also Poland, Bassarabia, Daghestan, Shirvan, and 
other places, in the Caucasus. He did much to 
ameliorate the condition of the serfs; and promoted 
public education by founding several universities. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 415 

The warlike spirit, the bravery and the stubborness 
of Russian soldiery, is attributable to their loyalty and 
patriotism, and to their moral as well as their physi- 
cal cooperation with their ruler's policy. 

Nicolas is said not to have been as liberal as his 
predecessor. But, although he restricted the liberties 
of the press, literature made considerable progress in 
his reign. He conquered the provinces of Nakhitch- 
evan and Erivan in Persia. In 1827 he secured the 
alliance of England and France to come in aid of the 
Greeks against the Turks. The utter destruction of 
the Turkish fleet was the result of this, after which 
Nicolas defeated the armies of Turkey both in Europe 
and Asia. After the revolution of 1848 he helped 
the emperor Francis Joseph to suppress the revolt 
of Hungary. To oppose his design on Turkey, Eng- 
land and France assisted by Italy, declared war 
against Russia, which, although they succeeded to 
win few battles, and take the South part of Sebastopol, 
was not productive of any good. Nicolas died before 
the end of this war, and his son, Alexander H, suc- 
ceeded him, in 1855, and ended the struggle. Under 
his reign, Finland's privileges were insured. Schamyl 
was captured, Caucasus was pacified, and a new port 
was opened in Eastern Asia. In 1877, he aided the 
Slavonic Christians against the rule of Turkey. 
However the greatest act of his reign was the eman- 
cipation of the Serfs; and as a reward for his liberal 
spirit, his noble conduct, and the mildness of his gov- 
ernment, he \^^'ls assassinatCvl, in iSSi. His sou 



41 6 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Alexander III, succeeded him, and was crowned in 
Moscow, 1883. 

The Russian empire comprehends avast territory in 
Eastern Europe and Northern Asia, covering an area of 
more than eight milhon five hundred thousand square 
miles. European Russia occupies two million ninety- 
five thousand five hundred miles, and has a popula- 
tion exceeding eighty seven million, or about forty- 
two to the square mile. Asiatic Russia, which covers 
six million five hundred thousand square miles, con- 
tains a population of only sixteen million inhabitants. 
The rates of emigration and immigration are about 
equal. 

Agriculture is the main occupation of the people; 
but the country is far from yielding as large crops as 
the United States of America. Hunting, fishing and 
the breeding of cattle, are extensivel}' carried on. 

The countr}' is ver}' rich in minerals and metals, 
and the government is constantly making great efforts 
to develop industries and promote commerce. The 
production of coal is greatl}' and steadily increasing; 
and cotton is now raised in sufficient quantity for 
home consumption. 



THE GOVERNMENT. 

The government of Russia is an absolute monarchy. 
To the Czar belong the legislative, the executive and 
judicial powers. He has four separate councils; the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 417 

senate, the committee of ministers, the council of 
the empire, and the holy synod. They arc all nomi- 
nated by him. The ministers execute the will and 
interpret the laws. The council is a consultative 
body with regard to legislation; the senate registers 
and promulgates laws. There is also a department 
whose duty is to render judgment in political cases. 
The synod, composed of metropolitans and bishops, 
superintends religious affairs. 

The state is organized in towns or small communi- 
ties, a certain number of which are united into 
"volosts." The inhabitants of each volost elect an 
elder and a peasants' tribunal, controlled by the rep- 
resentative of the Czar's government. 

The judiciary system ot the country is very liberal ; 
and very democratic with regard to the justices cf 
the peace, as these judges are elected by the people 
in their respective communities. They have juris- 
diction over all cases that involve less than six 
months' imprisonment, or less than five hundred 
roubles. All criminal cases subject to severe punish- 
ments are tried by juries. Civil cases involving more 
than five hundred roubles are tried before judges. 
The decisions of all courts and verdicts of juries can 
be brought up to higher courts for appeal. Political 
and militar}^ offenses are tried by special tribunals. 

The poor people can sue for their dues without 
giving security for costs, as under all other European 
governments. 

There is no der. th penalt\'. except sometime?, foi' 

87 



41 8 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

high treason; and premeditated murder is not even 
punished by hfe imprisonment, 

Although the Czar is not the head of the Church, 
he exerts considerable influence over it, as he nomi- 
nates all the. bishops; but the S3-nods decide all theo- 
logical questions. Besides the state religion, other 
religious faiths are tolerated, the principal of which 
are the Catholic, the Protestant, the Jewish, and the 
Moslem. 

Primary and secondary education is making pro- 
gress; philosophy and all natural sciences are highly 
cultivated. 

Nothing is more false than the frequent assertions 
of republicans that the Czar's government stands 
against the will of the people. A handful of political 
fanatics are capable of causing considerable mischief, 
even in any monarchy, whatever the extent of its 
territory and its population ma}' be; an 1 the spread 
of such news suffices to make people, abroad, believe, 
or at least suspect, that everything is ablaze around 
the throne. 

Russia is the youngest nation of Europe, and one 
of the m.ost promising, in the world. Taught by the 
experience of almost all civilized countries, its author- 
ity and its best classes will act very judiciously, be- 
fore making changes in the government; as they 
know that, if the givini^ of political liberties is easy, 
the restraining of license or the refornnng of abuses 
is extremely difficult. It is almost impossible to 
bring a people back to their duties,, after their morals 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 419 

have been once relaxed; and this should be a subject 
of deep study for all nations and principally for Amer- 
ican republics. So long as Russia will maintain its 
present institutions, and the masses will preserve their 
frugal mode of life, that the nation will grow and 
grow formidable, is clearly demonstrated by its past 
achievements. 



PARALLEL BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN GOV- 
ERNMENT AND THE AMERICAN 
REPUBLIC. 

Of all the absolute governments, the Russian mon- 
archy is regarded by Americans as the most dreadful 
despotism on earth. Yet, if they are asked to explain 
this, they are at a loss to find facts to substantiate 
their opinions; and the most formidable censurers 
among them will say: "In Russia there is no free- 
dom of the press, no freedom of speech; the govern- 
ment is too severe upon prisoners or political offenders ; 
the people, being kept in ignorance by the supersti- 
tions of the Orthodox Churches, arc not progressive; 
the Czar is not safe at home." It is not proposed to 
discuss these points, as a mere comparison between 
the American republic antl the Russian monarchy 
will be deemed sufficient b}^ the reader to enable" him 
to judge their respective merits. 

The Russian nation has .a head, the American peo- 
ple have none 



420 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The Czar of Russia stands by the will of the great 
majority; the President of the republic, sometimes 
is elected by the minority, of the people. 

The government of Russia executes the laws; in 
the United States, they make laws and talk about 
laws. 

In Russia, the law is so plain that every individual 
knows his duties to the government; and then he is 
never in doubt as to know how to conduct himself. 
He must respect the authority, but is likewise pro- 
tected by it in the enjoyment of his privileges. 
In the American republic, the citizens are perplexed 
as to what to say or what to do for popularity; and 
even the President or the governors are often insulted 
for exercising their political prerogative. 

In the former the press, like all other institutions, 
is governed; in the latter, it governs. 

In Russia public servants cannot hold their posi- 
tions unless they rigidly fulfill their obligations to the 
people; in the great republic too many politicians in 
office, and especially court officials, are enslaved with 
regard to the performance of duties by the fear of 
forfeiting the good will or the electoral support of a 
dangerous element. 

In the former no one is ever punished for crime or 
treason without trial; in the latter accused persons 
often suffer the death penalty without legal proceed- 
ings. 

In the Czar's Dominions, flogging has been abol- 
ished long ago; but it is still practiced in parts of 
the land of the free. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 42 I 

In Russia, masters are polite to their servants; in 
the American democracy servants or employees are 
generally rude to their masters. 

Russia keeps a standing army proportioned to her 
w^ants, as does the American republic; in the latter, 
beside this, a vast number of people carry arms to 
protect themselves. 

In the Russian Empire a class of fanatics clamor 
for reforms that are not needed, on the American 
model; in the American Commonwealth, the best 
people demand reforms that can not be accomplished 
under their present constitution. 

In the former a party demands more freedom of 
speech and of the press; in the latter a large portion 
of the population are becoming tired of it. 

The Americans owe their growth to causes entirely 
foreign to their institutions; the building up of the 
Russian nation is due to its own principles. 

In the period of eighty years, two Czars, Paul I 
and Alexander II, were assassinated, and in fifteen 
years, two American Presidents perished, the one by 
the hands of a democrat, the other by the bullets of 
a republican. 

In the great republic many hundred thousand li\'es 
were sacrificed, and billions of dollars expended to 
carry on a useless war, which, though it resulted in 
the abolition of slavery, created an everlasting rancor 
between North and South, and rendered the nation 
octoroon. Aleaxnder If, of Russia, the victim of 
blind admirers of the American dcMnocracy, voluntarily 



42 2 GOVERNMENTS AND TOLITICIANS, 

emancipated the Serfs of liis country, without the 
sacrifice of a Hfe, or of a rouble, and without modi- 
fying the type of the people. 

The two extremes of Politics are: Despotic Abso- 
lutism and Corrupt Democracy. The Russian gov- 
ernment is one of the mildest and purest governments. 
But is not the American Democracy one of the 
most corrupt institutions on earth. ^ 



CHURCH AND STATE. 

RELIGION AND MATERIALISM. COMPLETE IGNORANCE 
AND FALSE KNOWLEDGE. 

The rapid increase of vice and crime depicted with 
so much lamentation by pulpit orators, and often 
alluded to by the press, is, no doubt, serious enough 
to fill the souls of all religious people with the most 
grave apprehensions concerning the fate of mankind. 
In an age of money, steam and electricit}^ there is 
nothing wonderfully surprising as to the possible de- 
cay of public morality when we know the ascendancy 
which material interests are apt to gain over religious 
ideas. It is very interesting indeed, to careful 
observers, yet painful to moralists, amusing and 
rather gratifying for atheists and agnostics, in our 
times, to notice the reciprocal attitude of Church 
and State, and that vast diversity of opinion with 
regard to the destin}' of man. The ministers of the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 423 

several religious beliefs or denominations, justly 
claiming authority over the noblest part of man, if 
his soul is worth more than the life of the irrational 
animal, find themselves, in the meantime, placed 
under the rule of a material government. Influenced 
by fear, by a spirit of submission or scrupulous 
loyalty, they refrain from exposing the main causes 
that are at work to undermine society, and from 
suggesting a remedy capable of checking the spread 
of corruption; but they humbly and constantly solicit 
in vain both the concurrent endeavor of this earthly 
power and the educational influences of the press in 
aiding them to regenerate the character of man, and 
the moral state of society. On the other hand, the 
state government and tlie press, whose chief object 
is, money, or, at best, the protection of man's life 
and material property, care nothing for the salvation 
of his soul; and, far from heeding the supplications 
of religious apostles, they seem to regard religion or 
any church, not always with the utmost indifference, 
but generally, as a most deplorable obstruction in the 
way of human progress. 

From the nature of such political institutions, 
arose that spirit of materialism, which now pervades 
some of the most civilized nations of the world. 
'Statesmen and writers are at liberty to antagonize the 
religious school by inlhioncing th^ minds against the 
pretensions and the t)rLlei"s of tlie church ; nor are ihey 
more disturbed by its anathemas or denunciations, 
than they seem impressed or honored b\' its blessings. 



424 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

But we can not perceive, without amazement or 
just provocation, the enormous inconsistencies and 
the errors into which those philosophers incessantly 
involve people in discussing or commenting upon all 
questions, related to this subject. Assuming their 
airs of respectability and exemplary edification they 
frequently make their boasts of moral or Christian 
principles; they constantly utter the words of virtue, 
justice, truth, oath, friendship, honest}', charit}^ 
fidelity and chastity. While they exert every faculty 
of their mind to secure the enactment of a law and 
insure the triumph of a principle, and would stake 
their lives in defending the honor of their wives, of 
their sisters and of their daughters; while they wit- 
ness the enormous growth of political or social evils, 
and candidly recognize the urgent necessity of reforms, 
they scruple not to create scandal, or set a most per- 
nicious example, by ascribing Divine worship, the 
authority of theologians, the influence of religion or 
of spiritual advisers to the people's ignorance and 
superstition. With faces bearing the stamp of 
metal, they pretend, moreover, to know, and they 
assert as energetically as Christian apostles or sound 
moralists, that justice and morality constitute the 
foundation of human society and of civil government. 
Yet, however so strong their pretensicjns, they seem* 
to ignore, or they deny the cause that has brought 
forth those very virtues; and through their sophistical 
ingenuity, their false theories, and unwise policies, 
they rival an institution, which has been, at all times, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 425 

the principal factor of civilization, and the mi^htifest 
power on earth in preserving both individuals and 
society. 

What is the source of these fundamental principles, 
justice and morality? Two forces, not only differ- 
ent, but entirely opposed to one another, "Religion 
and Materialism," claim them respectively, as their 
own attributes; and each of them pretends to pos- 
sess a power, paramount to that of the other. Be- 
fore judging of the respective merits of these two 
agencies, and deciding which of them shows the more 
just title to its claim, it is deemed necessary to know 
the characteristics and the relations of both of them 
to the nature and destiny of man, and the influences 
which they exercise in forming his character, protect- 
ing society, and promoting mankind. 

Materialism, or natural philosophy, recognizes in 
man but two distinct parts, the animal and the 
rational; in addition to them. Religion asserts in him 
the immortality of his soul, and declares that owing 
to the errors of his reason, he must be guided by the 
light of a spiritual power to preserve him against the 
vices of his animal part. The religious moralists 
further say that a school must exist to promote justice 
and morality in this world and help man to work up 
his destiny beyond this life. 

It is against this moral power that the materialists 
revolt. In accordance \\ ilh such doctrines as were 
inaugurated by the repubhcan party of bianco, in 
the last century, they discard, \\o[ only tlio revealed 



426 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

religion of Christ, but all other religious beliefs. They 
a.-^sert that man, governed by no other law than his 
will, is capable of conducting himself properly, that 
nature is the principle of justice and moralit}-, and 
can alone insure to all peoples of the earth a life of 
liberty, peace and prosperity, and consequently, that 
any religion but the worship of Reason keeps the 
human mind in subjugation and ignorance. 

They pretend to be far more concerned than all 
other theorists, in man's moral development and in 
general progress; nevertheless they fail to recognize, 
or even perceive any improvement but in matter. 
Although regarding the intellect of man superior to 
the mere instinct of the irrational brute, they say or 
seem to think that it comes from nothing, if not from 
matter, and must return finally to nothing. They 
act and live as if they should never die, or according 
to the idea that the last moment of their existence 
on earth puts an end to everything that is dearest to 
them. 

The materialist, who has acquired little education, 
becomes, sometimes, a comedian, in assuming the 
tone of a philosopher. In his attempts to interest 
or instruct his audience by expressing original ideas, 
he alwavs commences to declare to them that man 

•J 

is a beast. In accompanying such utterance with a 
smile of self-esteem, he looks around him for admir- 
ation or applause. But, as he seems to think it more 
reasonable that man's soul or intellect should arise 
from matter, than from a source of infinite wisdom. 



ANXIENT AND MODERN' 42/ 

he suddenly rises to such a height of pretensions as 
to deny intellectual authorship to the Universe, which, 
he naturally knows no human being could create. 
Reason itself teaches us to attribute the existence of 
the Universe to a Supernatural cause, and recognize 
the operation of this very cause at that supreme 
moment when life comes to animate the flesh in the 
human body. Why is it irrational to believe even 
in the divinity of Christ? What an easy task could 
his birth, without the service of man, be to Him that 
has created mankind. Unwilling to acknowledge 
the existence of a mind superior to his own, the 
materialist falls to the level of the brute and receives 
his inspirations from the same source that actuates it. 
He stupidly argues that any reasonable being will 
abstain from committing any wrong, fearing that it 
will injure him, and that he will become better 
adapted for free government as he cultivates his 
intelligence according to the principles of natural 
philosophy. It is almost incredible that such absurd 
ideas should ever enter into the minds of sensible 
people. And the press, aspiring to the exalted pro- 
fession of educating the masses, deserves nothing but 
censure and condemnation for thus leading them 
astray upon a subject of such vast importance. Be- 
sides there is almost a general disposition in people, 
and more particularly among preachers of certain 
churches, and other public speakers, to always asso- 
ciate vice ami crime with no other condition than 
paupciism or ignorance This is ano'J.KM" i;ravo error. 



428 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

It would be sophistical to say that the progress of 
science, ait, and general learning, or even the 
acquisition of money can directly corrupt the morals 
of men; but it has already been asserted by moralists 
and can be clearly demonstrated to all those who have 
but a little power of observation, or are open to con- 
viction, that men may employ their knowledge, or all 
the means at their disposal, as effectively in develop- 
ing or gratifying their vices, as in practicing their 
virtues. The materialist, acknowledging that he is 
actuated by selfish motives and fear, in leading a moral 
life, may become vicious as soon as he sees an oppor- 
tunity of deriving a material gain from his change of 
conduct. The moral principle of Benjamin Franklin, 
the philosopher, "Honesty is the best policy," may 
be adhered to by his warmest admirers only so long 
as they think that integrity is for them a source of 
income. And a woman of such principles may be 
chaste or true to her hu=band, only so long as she 
has enough money to lead an extravagant mode of 
life. It is also true that persons naturally virtuous, 
if constantly exposed, may at last succumb, to evil 
temptations. 

Before proceeding further into this subject, we 
must bear in mind not to confound the popular or 
worldly meaning of the words: — "intelligence, under- 
standing, reason, knowledge, ignorance, fool," with 
their Biblical sense, as often do cunningl}' or uncon- 
sciously the readers of the Bible in arguing on such 
subjects as this. It is known that in the Scriptures, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 429 

any of these words: "intellip^ence, understanding" etc. 
mean piety, religion, justice, morality, and that the 
words: "ignorant, fool," mean wickedness or vicious- 
ness, impious or wicked. This interpretation of these 
words does not mean that men of education or genius 
in the popular sense, such as, orators, philosophers, 
literary men, artists, successful traders, and mer- 
chants, generals and statesmen are pious or religious 
and fit subjects for Heaven; but it means that men 
of those classes, with all their worldly knowledge, are 
fools, if they be so impious as to use their intellect 
for acquiring worldly riches or honors, while damnmg 
their souls; it means that a man, however so poor, 
and so ignorant he may be in the eyes of the people, 
is a person of intelligence and knowledge, if he be so 
pious or religious, as to sacritice his worldly pleasures 
to eternal felicity. Much more could be said on this 
subject, but as the intention is to refer to religious 
matters, as little as possible, this is deemed sufficient 
to establish the proper line of argument in treating 
upon the present thesis. 

Let us now observe for a moment the moral con- 
dition of some men in every civihzed nation of the 
world. Are we to say that one is deprived of reason 
or learning, because he is a hypocrite, a betrayer, a 
seducer, a perjurer? Are we to consider him espec- 
ially irresponsible for his acts, when (.levoured by 
the fire of ambition and avarice, or moved by senti- 
ments of ferocity and revenge, he ^Iccply aiul coolly 
meditates, incendiarism, robbery and nundor? Cati 



430 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

it be said that people, of elementary, secondar}-, or 
high education, or of the highest attainments in any 
of the professions, are never guilty of crimes like 
people entirely deprived of knowledge? If all persons 
who commit such horrible deeds were declared insane, 
they would not be punished as they often are, by any 
human law, because laboring under such mental con- 
dition, they could not be held answerable for their 
acts, nor would they ever incur the wrath of God 
according to Christian believers, because then they 
would not be sane enough to be ranked am.ong the 
fools or impious, considering the theological inter- 
pretation of the Scriptures. 

The rape of Lucretia, the murder of Csesar, the 
treason of the House of Guise, the massacre of St. 
Bartholemew, the Gun-powder plot, the murder of 
Paul I. and of Alexander II. of Russia, and of Lincoln 
and of Garfield, were not the results of insanity or 
ignorance, but of deeply laid schemes, sus:gested by 
the fire of passions, revenge, ambition, and assisted 
by both learning and the full vigor of reason. And 
the perpetrators of all these crimes were far more in- 
telligent than those republicans or democrats who 
impute to them a lack of knowledge, according to their 
own meaning of the word. 

Can we assert that a man is ignorant, in the popular 
sense of the word^ because he leads a young and in- 
nocent girl to a vile theatrical show? Does he act like 
an insane man, who through the darkness of night, 
which favors vice and principally seduction of womcr, 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 43 I 

the demoralizing influence of v.n immoral play and 
spectacular pomp, his offer of presents to her whose 
tender mind may be easily affected by the display of 
ornaments and splendor, and the excitement follow- 
ing a late wine supper he succeeds in accomplishing 
her ruin? And who is ready to say that seducers of 
women or of young girls are more numerous among 
the ignorant or paupers than among the men of wealth 
and intellectual culture? And which is the fool of 
the two, the seducer, or the other' that trusts, in all 
cases, human reason, by allowing his family an un- 
limited freedom of action? Let naturalists tell this. 
It is generally conceded that in all civilized countries 
jurists are characterized as the best adapted class for 
politics, and are most generally chosen for govern- 
ment. Then, according to republican principles, 
men of the legal profession should be the most \'irLUOus 
members of a community. Nevertheless, law prac- 
ticing, although its main object is supposed to pro- 
mote the ends of justice is said not to be always 
carried out on the most respectable basis. We are 
told that in nil nations of the world, are found son^.e 
unscrupulous lawyers, and even a ie\^ corrupt jurists 
presiding in the law-courts. Is this true? If it is a 
false rumor, let it be denied at once, ior \\e are 
disposed to believe, that, not only in monarchies, but. 
even in corrupt republics, the number of the latter 
class at least, is very small. It seems impossible that 
men who mv.st be regarded as the most oxiMj^plai \' 
representatives of justice and Nirtue. would be so un- 



432 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

principled as to ceirry on their profession or use their 
exalted position for ill-gains or other improper pur- 
poses. How much mischief or injustice can dishonest 
lawyers or iudges accomplish, with impunit3\ hy 
means of their superiorit\' in legal knowledge over all 
other classes, can not be estimated. But, as some of 
these supposed champions of virtue and respectability, 
fail in their conduct, or become unworthy of the im- 
portant trust placed in them by the nation, how can 
it be reasonably e'xpected that in any other class of 
the communit}' all men will be strictly honest or free 
from selfish motives? 

What requires more intellectual culture and greater 
moral qualities than the medical profession? Yet, 
notwithstanding the fact that people confide their 
lives to their ability and honor, some physicians will, 
wi'th intent and malice, lend the assistance of their 
skill and science to the commission of the most 
abominable crimes. Besides, is not the science of 
chemistr}', employed to murder people, and murder 
them at long range, too? Can any ignorant man or 
pauper have at his disposal as safe means to perpe- 
trate such deeds', cover his traces, and escape punish- 
ment, as those that may be employed, in similar 
cases, by a lawyer or a medical doctor, or a scien- 
tist, or a wealthy individual? 

Architecture, sculpture, painting, and other fine 
arts, are not, in theory, even suggestive of vice; but 
practically, some of them offer as great opportunities 
of corruption as any other branch of learning. More- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 433 

over, the erection of splendid or sumptuous edifices 
and superb monuments, and fashional)le displays, 
will excite in the hearts of a great many persons, 
strong desire for riches and lead them to adopt dis- 
honest methods of acquiring such luxuries. 

Commerce and all the various trades, carried on 
by a civilized nation, however so legitimate and re- 
spectable they may be, open the broadest field for 
sharp practice, crafty and unscrupulous artifices. 
Placed in such circumstances, some men are gradually 
and insensibly induced to lying, breach of trust, 
frauds, robbery and arson, etc. 

Moreover the same inventions, or great productions 
of human ingenuity, intended to benefit niankind, 
are frequently employed to assist in the perpetration 
of the most heinous crimes, or in terrorizing society; 
the malicious wrecking of trains on railroads, and the 
diabolical use of explosives, such as powder and 
dynamite, show that the growth of vice never fails to 
keep pace with the rise of civilization, especially, in 
any republic engaged exclusively in the easy task of 
promoting materialism, and tolerating or encouraging 
licentiousness. 

The mechanical skill displayed, and the large 
amount of money expended by Americans, in the 
construction of their vaults or coffers, for the safe- 
keeping of their treasures, and the fact that these 
extraordinary measures of securit\' arc frequenlh" 
baffled by some oi their citizens, show, how closely, 
is niatcMial ju'ogress in tlieii" republic, pursued b\" 
audacity and criminal ingenuity. 



434 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Again, let the criminal records be examined in all 
nations, and it will be found that almost all the crimes 
have been and are now being committed in populous 
cities, or outside of rural districts, in the same places 
where dwell the most learned and most fashionable 
people. 

In the opinion of a great many republicans, they 
are the only criminals, who, destitute of everything, 
steal, to procure the means for buying food; but they 
are honorable and intelligent business men who rob 
the people of thousands or millions. Petit larceny 
is common enough in all countries; and in republics, 
next to civil or foreign wars, gigantic and systematic 
schemes of plunder have been their greatest achieve- 
ments, and were carried by the most educated men, 
and even by the press and public educators. 

The republicans, throughout the w'orld, often 
express the idea that in educating all people alike, 
without religion, they will all be equall}' intelligent, 
and consequently, can not deceive one another. This 
is one of their visions, without foresight. In the first 
place, all men are not endowed v/ith the same amount 
of intelligence; and how is it possible that the work- 
ing classes, as a rule, acquire the same learning as 
professional men, artists or statesmen.^ Once the 
development of selfishness, in the republic, gave rise 
to this motto: "Take care of number One," which 
was soon followed by the other, "Diamond cuts 
Diamond," meaning that the educated and the intel- 
ligent excel or deceive the educated and the intelli- 
gent. 



I 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 435 

Is it not evident, Mr. Robert Ingersoll, that the mere 
intellectual development of man can not be depended 
upon for self-government -^ Is it not conclusive, de- 
voted adherents to Thomas Paine's doctrines, that 
the government of any nation must be strengthened 
<iccording to the degree of growth of its civilization, 
for the protection of man and society? 

Natural Philosophy and Materialism having failed 
as a moral and political school, Religion shall now 
be the subject of the next investigations: To the 
assertions so often repeated that Christianity has 
always aimed, and is still aiming at holding the 
human mind in ignorance and servitude, a complete 
denial is given. Christianity has been the only civil- 
izing power since the time of Constantine, Emperor 
of Rome. And even before this epoch it had made 
the Pagans assembled in the Roman Colosseum blush 
at their barbarous pleasures by disarming the gladia- 
tors in their presence. It had already deprived them 
of their right of death upon their slaves and emanci- 
pated their women from a life of shameful bondage. 
It was the sight of the blood of the Christian martyrs 
that was the most solid argument to induce the 
Pagans gradually to make such reforms, and ulti- 
mately cast the statues of their gods aside, and erect 
the cross upon the rums of thoir ancient altars. 

Most of the laws governing the civilized nations are 
based on Christian principles; and to Christianity 
these nations are iuiK^bloil lor their supremacy over 
those of Asia, \)o[\\ .is to in-uMl aiul material advance- 
ment. 



43^ GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

Ever since the Church has estabhshed the new 
civiUzation upon the remains of the Empire of the 
West, it has been constantly engaged in instructing 
people in all branches of learning. It never ceased 
to promote line arts and principally architecture; and 
has even inaugurated many branches of manufacture, 
first in Italy and in France. The Church has reared 
the best scholars and even the most learned of its 
rivals, such as Voltaire and Rousseau. The Church 
has lent its aid in discovering new places, and its 
missionaries have, voluntarily, to their peril, intro- 
duced civilization into them. By attempting to con- 
vert Indians and ocher barbarous tribes they have 
succeeded to prepare the way for the European 
nations to settle in those new countries and cause 
them to extend their field of industries and their 
commerce. From such advantages, religious people 
and materialists alike, have derived great wealth. 
To the incessant labors and benign influences of the 
Church, the i\merican nations owe their birth, their 
preservation and their growth. In all countries the 
principal Christian Churches have always been opposed 
to a national system of education, devoid of religion, 
and still denounce its doctrines as false knowl- 
edge, very dangerous to a state. They would rather 
have a nation completely ignorant than one reared in 
Materialism. That they are perfectly right in their 
views shall be substantially demonstrated. 

It has already been said somewhere in this work, 
and it is here repeated, that, whosoever has acquired 



AMCIENT AKD MODERN 437 

a false knowledge wanders more from the truth, and 
is more incompetent to govern himself in a democracy, 
than he who has never attended any school and resem- 
bles an edifice, which, defective in construction, 
must be repaired for public safety. It can not be 
denied that ignorance is eminently productive of re- 
spect, moderation, love, fear, charity, disinterested- 
ness and obedience, which characterize a good citizen, 
and principally constitute the beau-ideal of patriotism, 
but false knowledge not only opposes these virtues, 
but engenders or stimulates all the opposite vices 
that constantly confront and ultimately bring a nation 
to ruin. 

There are a great many men in this world, vvho are 
fond of saying many things, because such things have 
been said by others. Once it was declared that 
Church and State should be separated, and others 
have followed, and still follow, repeating: "Church 
and State should be separated." But, if they are 
asked why that should be so, they can not answer, 
but that they are two different things, and they are 
capable of saying this too, only because they have 
heard others say it. This is about the limit of their 
knowledge upon this subject, and is, in their prolific 
mind, overwhelming evidence, in support of their 
proposition. 

Although there is not the least intention to dis- 
course upon any religious doctrines or to e.xhort the 
people to the salvation of their souls, either in this, 
or in the next world, it can justly be said that this 13 



43 B GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

a matter of the most vital importance to all men. 
Now the question arises whether or not there is any 
future state of things? In either case every person 
has a self-interest to protect. No one wishes to 
sacrifice his worldly interests or pleasures for a con- 
templated happiness, which he is never to enjoy ; nor 
does he intend to exchange an everlasting state of 
felicity and burn or otherwise suffer all eternity, for 
the pleasures of a few moments. Compared to 
eternity, a life of even a hundred years, is not longer 
than that of a few days. 

If religion is not based upon a Supernatural power, 
it is worse than superstition itself, and every church 
is a false institution. Not only should it be separa- 
ted from the State, but every civil government should 
rise at once and blot it oat of existence. On the 
other hand, if man's soul is immortal, it has a destiny 
to promote beyond this life; and consequently religion 
requires the most attention froin man, and even from 
civil governments. 

Ever since the birth of mankind, all the nations of 
the world, have always expressed their belief in 
a Supreme Being, and have united on this fundamental 
idea of the Universe and of man's existence. It is 
this innate opinion ruling the souls of the first inhab- 
itants of the earth, the voice of God through their 
conscience, and the reproach of God through their 
remorses that enabled them to distinguish between 
good and evil, recognize their superiority over the 
beast, and institute the virtues of justice and morality. 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 439 

The idea of virtues is so intimately connected with 
the idea of God and eternity, that the one can not 
be conceived without the other, nor can they be sep- 
arated. On these principles they founded society and 
government; and for their preservation, and for the 
moral development of man, they have established 
Divine worship. 

In every country we find temples, altars, religious 
ceremonies, and spiritual advisers. The oath, this 
most solemn appeal to God for the truth of every- 
thing that is declared or testified, has been, from 
time immemorial, borrowed from religion by civil 
governments, and employed till the present time, as 
their principal means of administering justice. 
Although perjury is considered as a great crime, and 
is punishable in this world by severe penalties, how 
many people are there who will commit it, knowing 
that they can escape the limited knowledge of human 
intellect, in all cases which they can render favorable 
to their material interests by a false oath.-* If all 
men were reared from their early youth to a firm be- 
lief in the Divinity, a mind of infinite power and 
justice, that penetrates into all their secrets, knows 
all their actions, hears all their utterances, and sees 
every thing that is hidden in their hearts; if the}' 
were all taught constantly that God keeps a record of 
their deeds and designs, will reward them for their 
virtues, and punish them for their wrongs, they would 
undoubtedly be far better disposed to tell the truth 
and refrain from vice and ciiinc, than atheists, or 
tnalei iaiisis or aiMiostics, 



440 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

It becomes evident tliat religion has no other object 
but that of meddling in worldly affairs. Nor was 
Christianit}' or any other religious creed made merely 
to promote material interests. But, its principles, 
teaching moderation and justice, are more likely to 
lead individuals and nations to material prosperity, 
than materialism, which turns the mind to vice and 
extravagance. A vicious mode of life, though it often 
brings man to grief, is far more costly than good and 
respectable living. Moreover, by aiding man to 
accomplish his salvation in future life, it has more 
power than any other agency to make him behave 
righteously on earth, and is thereby of unquestionable 
assistance to civil governments, in maintaining justice 
and order in society. Such being the case, how can 
it be controverted that a state is greatly obligated 
to, or in great need of, the church. 

The assertion that religion, which is first established 
in a state, falls in neglect, after a certain period, is 
well applied to the social corruption, which never 
fails to spring up in a democrcay, and prepare its 
downfall. A state, to rest upon a solid basis, must 
have a fixed moral principle which all people should, 
at least, be compelled to respect. But when it com- 
mences to manifest that liberal spirit of tolerating the 
expression of ideas of all sorts, it becomes a ship 
without a pilot. The religion and the institution of 
Vestals, established by Numa Pompilius, in Rome, 
preserved the morals of the Romans until political 
license and the Epicurean doctrines of the Greeks 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 44 I 

were introduced into the republic. When religion 
began losing its influence upon the people, but very 
few men could be depended upon for veracity; nor 
women of any class could be trusted for chastity. 
It is at that time that a cook, whose services are 
prescribed by so called philosophers of modern repub- 
lics for man's salvation, was far more respected than 
the artist, the orator or the philosopher, and that the 
Romans commenced to indulge in extravagant living, 
and in vomiting. Attention, Mr. Ingersoll ! 

The Agnostics confess their complete ignorance 
by asserting that the}^ can not affirm nor deny the 
existence of Snpernaturalism. Such confession is 
more commendable than mere pretenses to knowledge. 

The Stoics seem to be more austere than the 
materialists or the Epicureans, and less selfish than 
all sects, as they ara claiming no reward for the 
practicing of virtue but the pleasure of virtue itself. 
Such disinterestedness and frigidity of feeling is un- 
natural, nor can it be relied upon as a principle of 
morality. Nature has accompanied the function of 
its laws with pleasures upon which depends true pro- 
gress and even the growth of mankind. And when 
any human being has ceased to participate in the 
enjoyment of those pleasures, he falls into a most 
profound state of apathy, and is but a living cadaver. 
Evidently it is natural and Divine that any one bo 
kul to the practicing of virtue, to the performance of 
any duty or sacrilice, by no (Uher motive than the 
hope of being rewarded. 



44^ GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

The modern materialist, like the Epicurean of the 
ancient times, while pretending to see nothing in 
religion but superstition, esteems himself as the main 
object of interest in the creation. \\^hat does he care 
for mankind? If the world could only last till the 
time of his removal from it, why should he not be 
satisfied? It is very doubtful, if he would be capable 
of such a philanthropic effort as to sacrifice one of 
his dishes or any of his pleasures to let it survive him, 
were it depending on his liberality for continuing 
to exist a moment after his disappearance. 

Which is the more worthy of trust in all cases and 
all emergencies, in the service of government, and 
on the battle field, the man of reason, who has no 
concern but for his pleasures, or the other inspired 
by ideas of Supernaturalism ? Were the Christian 
martyrs, who are ridiculed by atheists, actuated by 
mere superstition, in preferring death to idolatry? 
Were all those missionaries inspired like the materi- 
alists, by the love of themselves, who have suffered 
all modes of hardship and voluntarily exposed their 
lives to introduce civilization in barbarous countries? 
Were not the crusaders, in the middle ages, animated 
by a true spirit of religion? What grander spectacle 
has ever been offered b}^ the world, than the union 
of all the European nations, under one banner, march- 
ing to the rescue of the tomb of Christ from the 
hands of barbarians? 

It is often said by capricious individuals that socie- 
ties, and especially secret societies, are better adapted 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 443 

than religion to tlie moral development of man. 
Nothing is more erroneous than such assertion. The 
most benevolent organizations take their principles 
from religion itself. It is not denied that some of 
them produce a great deal of good, nor is it intended 
to expose any of their shortcomings. But how is it 
possible that institutions inaccessible to young m.en 
of less than twenty-one years of age be considered as 
moral schools, as all persons, at that age, are sup- 
posed to have received, at least, their primary educa- 
tion, and some of them have entered into the practice 
of a trade or a profession, and others have already 
been punished for crime. 

The natural philosophers can never sustain logical 
contests on any question of morality. Having nothing 
sound to sa3^ they generally attempt to entertain 
their hearers with jokes; and when they find them- 
selves confounded by the arguments of their adver- 
saries, they commece dealing with exceptions, but 
only to exhibit the more, the weakness of their pro- 
positions and their narrow-mindedness. For instance 
they will say: "Not only among us are faulty people 
to be found, but they exist also among church visitors." 
No religious person, like the materialist, pretends to 
be perfect in all things; church members and even 
spiritual advisers are all men like others, more or 
less susceptible of giving in to vice. But is it right 
to conden:in a religion or a church, on account of a 
few that may sometimes fall or even use it as a cloak 
to shield their faults? Notwithstanding the courts 



444 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

of law in every country are instituted for the good 
of the people, it is known that a great deal of wrong 
is committed through them. Nevertheless, would it 
not be idiotic to dispense with the temples of justice 
simply because a few dishonest lawyers and judges 
dwell in them? Moreover, consider, if with all the 
moral influence that religions exert upon society, vice 
is spreading, what would the social condition of a 
nation be, if it were entirel}^ depending on materialism 
for morality and justice? All the fallen women, all 
the unfaithful wives and indifferent mothers, all the 
untrustworthy public and private servants, all sui- 
cides, perjurers, anarchists, murderers and criminals 
of all classes, with very few exceptions, exist among 
materialists, or agnostics. 

Materialism, in its vigorous struggle to biing the 
human being down to the level of the irrational 
animal, has always succeeded, with the assistance of 
civil governments, that care nothing but for the pres- 
ervation of matter, to attract or fascinate the minds 
by nakedness. And, if materialists have not yet been 
seen on the streets or any public road, as naked or 
as indecently clad, as their favorite women are allowed 
to appear on the stage, for gains, their painful re- 
straint is attributable to a remnant of moral influence 
still exercised by religions and the churches in count- 
eracting, in a very great measure, the effects of 
political corruption of so-called democratic institu- 
tions. But civil authorities will stupidly say: 
"Those actresses alluded to never appear naked." 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 445 

What is the difference between real nakedness and 
tight garments, as to the effect produced by the show 
upon the character of the spectators? However, 
there may be this: — In many cases, the former, being 
most hideous and repulsive, would not be dangerous 
to men's morals; but the latter, which cover all 
natural defects and aim to attain ideal perfection, 
becomes the more suggestive of immorality. Some 
people go so far as saying that moral lessons are 
taught by theatres as well as by churches. This 
assertion may be true but in very few cases, and gen- 
erally is mere excuse or a deceitful artifice to escape 
from restraint. It is not necessary to be a religious 
minister to know that almost all theatrical perform- 
ances, even those not accompanied with tights, are 
extremely opposed to public morality; as they lead 
men to extravagance, and stir up their vilest passions , 
and women to disspiation, seduction, and neglect or 
complete repudiation of the duties devolved upon 
them. Were society in all nations to depend entirely 
on other influences than religion, or on the theatrical 
schools, for morality, the masses would soon rank, 
as to virtue, with the ancient worshipers of Baal and 
Astarte. 

Nothing is mdre clearly proven than that the Epi- 
cureans, the Stoics, the modcM-n matcriahsts and the 
agnostics, would have never known, nor even uttered 
the words of "justice, integrity and chastity" h.ul 
not these virtues been first taught, and afterwards 
maintained, b\- religion and the church. Vov, should 



44^ GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

the destiny of man end, like that of the mere beast 
with this hfe, there could be no difference between 
justice and injustice, or morality and immorality. 
Evidently, it is the very principle established by 
religion, which, while it gives life and vigor to civil 
governments, renders many materialists capable of 
leading an apparently good life and permits them to 
enjoy, in peace, all their pleasures. The}' scorn the 
spring, but refresh themselves with its waters; they 
run down the vine, but comfort themselves with its 
fruit. 

Now, Mr. Ingersoll, and you other natural philoso- 
phers, can you consistently persist in characterizing 
religion as superstition.? And if you fail to retract 
your assertions upon this subject, why should you not 
call public morality, or the practicing of private vir- 
tues, by the same name? 

It is now proposed to demonstrate from the Natur- 
alist's standpoint itself, that religion is the most com- 
petent agency to promote the interests of nations. 
Any one who pretends to be most practical in all 
things must necessarily confess that the increase of 
the human species is the very first condition of 
material- progress, setting aside moral development; 
and consequent!}', any cause or principle that is in 
the way of its expansion is entirely opposed to ad- 
vancement. The world may be revolutionized by the 
most ingenious inventions, all portions of the earth 
may be connected by railways or electric wires, the 
oceans crossed in all directions by the swiftest steam- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 44/ 

ers. Nations may have attained the zenith of their 
glory, and the most perfect state in all branches of 
industry, in arts and sciences, their generals and 
warriors may not be excelled for strategy, discipline 
and valor, and their statesmen may have solved the 
problem of government. All such wonders, no doubt, 
excite the admiration and exalt the enthusiasm of 
mankind, and bestow high honors upon the names of 
those who are most intimately related to them. But 
how could such achievements be possible under the 
exclusive rule of Naturalism.^ Ever since the Epicu- 
rean sect was established in Greece, in opposition to 
the moral schools of Socrates and Plato, the mate- 
rialists have claimed, as we have seen, the distin- 
guished honor of directing human progress in stirring 
up the vilest passions of man. Their doctrines, which 
sacrifice the natural growth or the strength of a people 
to the individual's worldly or sensual pleasures, never 
fail to hasten the ruin, or work at the extinction, 
of nations. And should this principle be now entirely 
substituted in place of religion, can it be doubted 
that through its process of gradual and rapid annihi- 
lation, all monuments of human intellect, and even 
mankind itself would soon be completely blotted out. 
It is both in France and in the United States of 
America, that the fiercest conflict is raging between 
Religion and Materialism, Nothing is more noticeable, 
in these two great republics, than the errors of tlie 
very classes sui^posod to bo the most proi;rossi\c and 
most cnli-iitoiicd ol their i"os[KH-ti\o [\'>[uiLition It 



448 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

is one of their principal boasts that women were born 
simply to enjoy themselves. The procreation and 
the care of children are not only assigned to the 
ignorance or old fogyism of people, but are considered 
by a great many as the conditions of most abject and 
most cruel servitude. In their opinion, any individ- 
ual, who, in this age of enlightenment, insists upon 
his wife becoming a mother, is brutal and unworthy 
of married life. So-called intelligent, or smart, or 
progressive, women, in large numbers, now marr}^, 
not to be wives or mothers, but to improve their con- 
dition, as they say, that is, to live in a state of idle- 
ness, luxury and extravagance, like all concubines. 

What signify so many families of two, composed 
of man and wife who have been married for so many 
years.'' This dude, of progressive ideas will say: "I 
am not a farmer, nor do I intend to let my wife ruin 
her beautiful form, and her noble appearence for a 
child; we are happy now; and besides, if at anytime 
we should want to separate, or seek a divorce, the 
absence of children would increase our facilities and 
our convenience for doing so. But suppose we had 
children, consider, for a moment the burden that 
would rest on their father; and the poor mother would 
be bound to remain at home like a slave, ignored by 
everyone, but a crying baby. The rearing of children 
is inconsistent, with the idea of the nineteenth century, 
with Paris, the seat of fashions for the most civilized 
nations of the earth, with the Statue of Bartholdi, 
the great enlightener of the world; it is un-American." 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 449 

It is moreover asserted that next to religion, com- 
plete ignorance is the most capable to stimulate the 
growth of mankind. Some men, with the assistance 
of their reason, of their talents and science, will not 
only yield to the empire of their passions, but will 
violate the laws of nature, far more than the beasts. 
Nor could the latter ever be capable of that degree 
of degradation which a reasonable being can lower 
himself to unless it could become constituted like 
him, both physically and mentally. Let it be sup- 
posed that quadrupeds could use their front feet for 
the same purpose as men employ their hands; that, 
although they would remain unconscious of a Creator, 
and would, still, have no more destiny be^'ond this 
world than they have now, it would be possible that 
they could gain perfect freedom, and acquire like men 
the faculty of speech and sufficient intelligence to be 
taught in reading, writing and all branches of natural 
philosophy; could it be doubted, that in all things, 
they would equal the Naturalists and be worthy of 
sitting by them in their schools, provided that these 
human beings would never have been subjected, either 
directly or indirectly, to any religious inHuencc, what- 
soever.'* There is nothing in this hypothesis to indi- 
cate that the beasts would become more moral ; but 
it is certain that they would have far better facilities 
for robbing, deceiving and killing one another, than 
in their present condition. Endowed with tho full 
exercise of human intolloctual poNNors they could not 
entertain themselves with subjects (^f conversation 



450 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

more agreeable or more vile than money, drinks or 
food, nor spend their earnings in a manner more 
suitable to their nature and to the principles of the 
worshipers of Reason, than in Epicurean style, 
drunkenness, vomiting, or in boundless and even 
unnatural debauchery. Nor could they sooner anni- 
hilate their own species than by following the doc- 
trines of those bombastic emancipators of the human 
mind, or more promote their individual felicity, than 
by frustrating the laws of nature, while indulging in 
its excessive pleasures. Thrown in the company of 
materialists, they would soon become so demoralized 
as to acquire all the tricks of bad education, and 
would have, like them, more sense than to rear a 
progeny. 

In France, materialism is the main cause that 
checks the growth of its population. Before this idea 
had entered into the minds of the French people, 
they were among the most fecund nations of the earth. 
Since their political revolution, in the last century, 
at which they abandoned their religion, and estab- 
lished the worship of Nature, a large portion of them 
have been violating its laws, and now they are known 
for their sterility. The evil of their philosophy is 
manifesting itself by the absence, of children in the 
large cities, and of men, in the churches. 

Under the British rule till 1750, the Americans 
had had a great natural increase; but since their 
republic has been founded their national growth has 
been principally stimulated by the iinmigration from 



ANCIENT AND iMOUEKN . 45 I 

the European monarchies. Some years ago, one, or 
two, or three, children in a family, were quite fash- 
ionable among them; but now the prevailing style, 
none at all, is quite noticeable. What can be a worse 
national affliction than that of a state in wiiich people 
are called ignorant or fools for promoting its true 
progress? 

It is impossible to deny that the spirit of indiffer- 
ence, manifested by the American Constitution 
towards all creeds and churches though granting them 
perfect liberty and equality, is producing terrible 
effects upon the character and the destiny of the 
nation. In its preface the Constitution alludes to 
posterity. But were the people of the great repub- 
lic to depend for it on no other agency than their 
democracy, how could they ever have any posterity.-* 

The predictions of Elkanah Watson, of New York, 
in 181 5, as to the population of the United States 
from 1820 to 1900, become very interesting when his 
estimates are compared with the report of the census 
at every decade. Up to the year 1850 his prophesy 
was not only realized, but his figures exceeded the 
amount of the census for every period of ten years. 
At the census of i860 he was short by three hundred 
and ten thousand and in 1890 by more than fourteen 
millions, notwithstanding the arrival of about four 
million three hundred thousand foreigners between 
the years 1840 and i860, iKuini; three or four million 
children born to them on the Ainorican soil. This 
was, by far, the greatest inllu.x of innnigration into 



452 



GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 



the United States since the repubhc was founded. 
His prophesy for 1900 is a hundred milHons, but it is 
highly improbable that the population will, at that 
time, exceed eighty millions. Now let democratic 
or republican educators tell us how much more erro- 
neous would the predictions of Prophet Watson have 
been, had all those so-called poor and ignorant im- 
migrants adopted the principles of materialism that 
are so ruinous to some element of the country's pop- 
ulation. Can natural philosophers state, meantime, 
the main reason the population in the New England 
States is becoming so rapidly composed of French 
Canadians and Irish, and the ascendancy of foreign- 
ers over the natives is gradually increasing in other 
localities of the republic.^ A people, led by their 
education to make it one of the chief points of their 
life to rear only a few children, or none at all, have 
nothing to alarm them but their own principles, nor 
can they reasonably find fault, or expect long to cope 
for social and political prominence with other nation- 
alities having families of as many as ten and even 
twenty children. Nothing would be more interesting 
than the taking of a census of children in the United 
States, in relation to the number of families, to the 
various creeds and to nationalities. Nevertheless 
this is not necessary to enable judicious observers to 
perceive at once the triumph of religious ideas over 
Materialism or false knowledge, which is fully osten- 
sible in almost all parts of the country. 

Nevertheless there is in the republic a party of 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 453 

fanatics that cry out: "America for ourselves!" But 
how could they, in their deplorable sterility, fill 
America with population? Is it not the foreign 
elements that keep the nation alive by furnishing it 
constantly with fresh blood, not only in their pass- 
ing from their native countries into the United 
States, but also through the influence of their moral 
ideas, which stimulate fecundity in the people, and 
still govern a great many of its naturalized and even 
native citizens? Are you very certain, Americans, 
that without their presence and cooperation, you 
would continue to grow and prosper? Do you really 
believe that your notions of progress, your education 
and your mode of civilization in general, would ena- 
ble you to maintain the numerical superiority of the 
white race in your country, over the prolific negroes, 
the Indians, and Asiatic people? Can you foretell 
how long yet the Caucasian portion of your nation 
would exist, if your principles were not counteracted 
by the opposite moral forces set at work by those 
whom a great many of you seem to hate or despise? 
Of all queer individuals none are more ridiculous 
than those sophists or contributors to periodicals who 
propose to regulate the population of a country 
according to its material advantages, and promote 
and maintain the well-being of individuals by subject- 
ing the laws of Naturalism to caprices. While they 
ascribe the right number of births both in France and 
in the United States to wisdom and to deep concern 
for individual and national interests, they refrain 



454 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

from telling us why the fewest children are found 
among the wealthy and irrehgious families. They 
reach the height of their absurdities, when they at- 
tempt to dispel the fears of some people that they 
shall soon be outnumbered by other races, by ex- 
pressing the hope that all nations will in the near 
future be brought to imitate them. Perish such 
feeling! Never may they succeed to influence other 
nationalities by their own ideas! 

That such immoral condition should exist in some 
of the largest cities of France, although condemnable, 
is, in a measure, explained by many centuries of high 
civilization. But that it should pervade the society 
of a country in its first stage of infancy can only be 
accounted for by the lack of sound philosophy in the 
fundamental principles of its government. 

By excluding religion from their schools, the Amer- 
icans have exhibited, as in many other cases, their 
visionary dispositions for experiments, but no political 
wisdom. In addition to some of their arguments 
already refuted, they may, in attemping to justify 
their laws related to popular education, say that 
state's concern in religious matters is apt to cause 
wars, or serious troubles, and for such reasons Church 
and State had better be kept separate. They might 
as well assert that civil governments should not be 
maintained, because the}^ bring wars and other diffi- 
culties, and even more frequently than religion; that 
no bridges, no railroads, no steamers, or no works 
of any kind, should ever be built, because they cost 



ANCIENT AND M0DP:RN 455 

a great many lives constantly; that neither gas, steam 
nor electricity, should ever be used, because they are 
often fatal to life and property. Their arguments 
would have but very little weight even if war were 
the only cause of man's death, because religion, being 
paramount to any other agency for the promotion of 
justice and human progress, should receive its due 
place in the government of a nation. Can we cen- 
sure religion or the church for having sacrihced to its 
doctrines a few lives, which according to the law of 
nature, were soon to be extinguished even in time of 
perfect indifference or tranquillity.? And who can say 
that materialism has not sacrificed, and is still now 
not sacrificing more lives to its iniquities than ever 
did any religious war.? There is in religious wars, 
however so deplorable and so cruel, the strongest 
evidence of that moral force indespensable to a state. 
Religious wars have exerted over nations far more 
benign influences than religious indifference. Their 
effusion of blood has always increased the fertility of 
the national soil. The great prosperity of England 
and of France has followed their religious wars, re- 
spectively. Although Church and State are separate 
in the United States, are the Americans very certain 
that no bloody conflict shall ever occur between re- 
ligious denominations or on account of religion, in 
their country ? 

Thomas Paine in his, "Rights of Man." says: ''The 
union of Church autl State has impoverished Spain. 
The revoking of the Edict of Nantes drove the silk 



456 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

manufacture from that counti}- into England, and 
is now driving the cotton manufacture from England 
to America and France. Let then Mr. Burke con- 
tinue to preach his anti-poJitical doctrine of Church 
and State, It will do some good. The national 
assembly will not follow his advice, but will benefit 
b}' his folly. It was by observing the ill effects of it 
in England, that America has been warned against 
it; and it is by experiencing them in France that the 
national assembly has abolished it, and, like xA.merica, 
has established Universal Right of Conscience and 
Universal Right of Citizenship." 

In this as in all other politcial questions, the 
sophist has exhibited but his silly ideas and ignorance. 
x\Ir. Burke's advice was sound, but the follies of 
Thomas Paine and of the National x-\ssembly of 
France were soon afterwards illustrated by the down- 
fall of the Goddess of Reason, and the restoration of 
the union of Church and State, in that country. 

Glory to nations, of all times, that have sacrificed 
material interests to principles! Their moral vigor 
has always rendered them thrifty, philanthropic and 
munificent, and enabled them to build up nations 
throughout the woild, ^^loreover, it is those very 
nations which, after all, have the most cotton, the 
most silk and the most mone}'. Had mankind de- 
pended on the principles of Thomas Paine, of Vol- 
taire, of Rousseau and of Renan, it would almost 
have entirely disappeared, already. 

As materialism encourages lust and produces star- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 457 

ility, so r*eligion stimulates fecundity, and promotes 
chastity. To the influence of their reh^ion are the 
Russians, the Germans, the Engh'sh, the Swedes, the 
Itahans, the Spaniards, the Irish, the French-Cana- 
dians, chiefly indebted for their growth, respectively. 
And it is partly to ignorance, and partly to their 
religious faith, that the Chinese, the Hindoos, the 
Indians and the negroes, owe their increase. And in 
every country it is in its rural districts and among 
the poorer classes, that the most numerous and most 
vigorous families are found; and the cities depend 
upon these sources, principally, not only for support, 
but for population. 

The simple and natural mode of life that exists 
among the tillers of the soil, the shepherds and the 
fishermen, accelerates, while the style of splendor, 
and the dissipation of cities help false knowledge to 
reduce the growth of the human species. 

In some countries religion or ignorance is produc- 
tive of more human beings than their natural re- 
sources can support; and this surplus population goes 
to strengthen nations, in foreign lands. 

Now, materialists or agnostics, who, generally, are 
so narrow minded that they never believe in anything 
unless they can put their hands on it, or see it with 
their physical eyes, are forced to confess, at least, 
that religion, be it superstition or hallucination, is 
identical with true progress; that even complete 
ignorance is far better adapted to a people than their 
knowledge; and therefore a political constitution, 



458 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

indifferent towards religion, and a popular' system of 
education devoid of Divine doctrines, are directly 
opposed to the function of natural laws, to the 
morals and to the prosperity of a nation. 

It is not necessary to be religious or to be endowed 
with transcendent genius, but it suffices to be only 
possessed of common sense, to perceive the truth*of 
such theory. The opponents to it are not summoned 
to appear before the tribunal of any church or religion 
to receive their condemnation. It is nowhere but on 
their own ground, and at the feet of their prostrated 
goddess that the naturalists are called to view the 
grave of their own principles and of their victims. 
Who is going to deliver the funeral oration on such 
solemn occasion.? Is it Emile Zola, that sensational 
writer of France.'' Is it Crispi, the Ex-Prime Minister 
of Italy.? Is it Mr. Gath of the Cincinnati Enquirer.? 
Is it Mr. Robert Ingersoll, the most devoted admirer 
of Thomas Paine and of Voltaire.? Or is it any con- 
ceited, pretentious and brainless individual who villifies 
all religious ministers, but scruples not to plagiarize 
their literary or oratorial productions, and publish, 
or recite, or declaim them as his own? Talent and 
even genius is not denied to all our adversaries; the 
sterility of their brains as to sound arguments upon 
the questions of "Church and State," and Naturalism 
and Education lies chiefly in the fallacies of their 
principles. 

The more Orthodox a Chucrh, the greater influence 
it exerts over the morals of a people and stimulates 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 459 

their growth. The Episcopal and the Lutheran 
Churches are more powerful than any other Protest- 
ant denominations; but the Roman Catholic, the 
Greek and the Buddhistic religions have the most 
power, and it is through the Confessional that the 
two former mostly exercise it. Not only do they 
always advise their tiock to obey the established 
authority, or compel their penitents to restitute their 
stealings or repair any wrongs they may confess, but 
they also question them upon the procreation of 
children, and, in this case, very effectively employ 
their theology in forbiding them to frustrate, by the 
use of Medicine, or by the science of Anatomy, or by 
any other methods, the laws of nature. 

The procreation of children, being the first condi- 
tion of the existence of a state and the most essential 
requirement for a nation's vitality, must necessarily 
be the chief care of the government and the first 
patriotic duty of men. The country of a growing 
ignorant people would be far more progressive and 
far more prosperous than that one in which the popu- 
lation would gradually become annihilated. In a 
civilized state, religious doctrines alone can inspire 
men with true patriotism; and evidently, religion, 
and principally the Orthodox religion is the natural 
ally of state, the most firm foundation of its govern- 
ment, and the chief promoter of a nation's greatness. 

Most of the governments of Europe are about right 
upon this question. 

Can the McKi^csport (Pa ) "Times" pcrcei\o now the 



460 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

fallacious policy of the American republic in expend- 
ing $1 1 5,000,000 a year for a system of education 
energetically working to annihilate the nation? 

American educators and philosophers are carried so 
far away by their pohtical fallacies that they assign, 
not only the material development, but also the relig- 
ious sentiments of their people, and even the erection 
of churches, all their educational establishments and 
high learning to the principles of their democracy. 
This erroneous opinion, which is shared by a large 
portion of the population, is well expressed by the 
extract of an address delivered by Mr. Charles W. 
Eliot, a few years ago, and here published: 

"A great deal of moral vigor has been put into the 
material development of the United States; and it is 
clear that widespread comfort ought to promote the 
civilizing of a people Sensible and righteous gov- 
ernment ought ultimately to make a nation rich; and 
although this proposition can not be directly reversed, 
yet diffused well-being, comfort, and material pros- 
perity establish a fair presumption in favor of the 
government and the prevailing social conditions under 
which these blessings have been secured. 

"The successful establishment and support of relig- 
ious institutions — churches, seminaries, and religious 
charities — upon a purely voluntary system, is an 
unprecedented achievement of the American democ- 
racy. In only three generations American democratic 
society has effected the complete separation of Church 
and State, a reform which no other people has ever 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 46 1 

attempted. Yet religious institutions are not stinted 
in the United States; on the contrary, they abound 
and thrive, and all alike are protected and encour- 
aged, but not supported, by the State. Who has 
taken up the work which the State has relinquished.-* 
Somebody has had to do it, for the work is done. 
Who provides the money to build churches, pay sala- 
ries, conduct missions, and educate ministers.'* Who 
supplies the brains for organizing and maintaining 
these various activities? This is the work, not of a 
few officials, but of millions of intelligent and devoted 
men and women scattered through all the villages 
and cities of the broad land. The maintenance of 
churches, seminaries, and charities by voluntary con- 
tributions and by the administrative labors of volun- 
teers, implies an enormous and incessant expenditure 
of mental and moral force which must ever be re- 
newed from generation to generation; for it is a per- 
sonal force, constantly expiring, and as constantly 
to be replaced. Into the maintenance of the volun- 
tary system in religion has gone a good part of the 
moral energy which three generations have been able 
to spare from the work of getting a living; but it is 
worth the sacrifice, and will be accounted in history 
one of the most remarkable feats of American public 
spirit and faith in freedom. 

"A similar exhibition of iliffuscd mcnt;il an^l moral 
energy has accompanied the ostablishmont and tiio 
development of a system of higher Instructi>Mi in the 
United States, with no inheritance of monastic eU' 



462 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

dowments, and no gifts from royal or ecclesiastical 
personages disposing of gieat resources derived from 
the State, and with but scanty help from the public 
purse. Whoever is familiar with the colleges and 
universities of the United States knows that the crea- 
tion of these democratic institutions has cost the life- 
work of thousands of devoted men. At the sacrifice 
of other aspirations, and under heavy discourage- 
ments and disappointments, but with faith and hope, 
these teachers and trustees have built up institutions, 
which however imperfect, have cherished scientific 
enthusiasm, fostered piety, literature, and art, main- 
tained the standards of honor and public dut}^ and 
steadily kept in view the ethical ideals which democ- 
racy cherishes. It has been a popular work, to which 
large numbers of people in successive generations 
have contributed of their substance or of their labor. 
The endowment of institutions of education, including 
libraries and museums, by private persons in the 
United States is a phenomenon without precedent or 
parallel, and is legitimate effect of democratic institu- 
tions. Under a tyranny — were it that of a Marcus 
Aurelius — or an oligarchy — were it as enlightened as 
that which now rules Germany — such a phenomenon 
would be ' simply impossible. The university of 
Strasburg was lately established by an imperial decree, 
and is chiefly maintained out of the revenue cf the 
State. Harvard University has been two hundred 
and fifty years in growing to its present stature, and 
is even now inferior in many points to the new Uni- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 463 

versity of Strasburg; but Harvard is the creation of 
thousands of persons, living and dead, rich and poor, 
learned and simple, who have voluntarily given in 
their time, thought, or money, and lavished upon it 
their affection; Strasburg exists by the mandate of 
the ruling few directing upon it a part of the product 
of ordinary taxation. Like the voluntary system in 
religion, the voluntary system in the higher education 
buttresses democrac}'; each demands from the com- 
munity a large outlay of intellectual activity and moral 
vigor." 

How can Mr. Eliot reasonably assert that the 
establishment and support of religious institutions 
and high education, upon a voluntary system, in the 
United States, are the effects of its democratic in- 
stitutions? How is it possible that a political con- 
stitution could achieve what it had entirely ignored 
in the beginning.'^ No class of people, except materi- 
alists or agnostics, can receive their inspirations from 
the principles of a government that fails to recognize 
the existence of a Supreme Being. And this is what 
probably leads Mr. Elliot to consider it an act of 
magnanimity on the part of a materialistic govern- 
ment, to tolerate the practice of any religion, as well 
as it allows or encourages all kinds of abu-ses and 
vices in society. 

While Mr. Eliot characterizes the religious achieve- 
ments of the country as democratic phenomena with- 
out precedent or parallel, he is impelled to go back 
to Pagan Ronie to find a comparison favorable to his 



464 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

fancy; and upon his return he finds that no such 
wonders could be possible in Germany. How does 
he know that? Like all writers or speakers of his 
class, he makes assertions without proofs, but says 
nothing of the religious devotion and munificence of 
people in other countries. He seems to believe, or 
is disposed to impress the public with the idea that 
in no country but the United States, have any people 
the privilege to remain outside of the Church. Be- 
sides why should not a government have the same 
right to impose taxes upon the people for the support 
of Churches or moral institutions, as for the mainte- 
nance of such public schools as those of the United 
States against the will of a large portion of the 
nation? What has built up St. Peter's Cathedral in 
Rome, St. Paul's Church in London, the Cologne 
Cathedral, and almost all those other magnificent 
temples or churches, convents, religious schools, 
hospitals, public libraries, throughout the world, if 
not philanthropy, religious devotion and charity? 

The establishment of religions and churches, in the 
United States, is merely owing to the fact that no 
people have ever existed or can exist without them, 
despite any political constitution; and the liberality 
of a portion of the population towards religion and 
benevolent institutions, has been inspired, first, by 
European doctrines, and afterwards, maintained and 
fostered by the variet}^ of creeds. 

It is true, as ^Ir. Eliot says, that in onl}^ three gen- 
erations, the American democracy has effected the 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 465 

complete separation of Church and State; and he 
calls this a reform which no other people have ever 
attempted. But now, can Mr. Eliot tell us why it 
is, that in the United States, a country unsurpassed 
for wealth and natural advantages, and also for pre- 
tensions to virtue and intelligence, vices and crime 
are growing far more than in any other where 
Church and State are united? Evidently, it is relig- 
ion alone that furnishes the population sufficient 
moral vigor to resist the influences of a sophistical 
constitution. 

Let Mr. Eliot and his admirers consider this: 
Religion and Materialism, High Education and Bad 
Education, Fecundity and Infecundity, Justice and 
Injustice, Order and Lawlessness, can no more flow 
from the same institution, than poison and pure water 
from one source. 

An able political writer may be a very unwise 
statesman and even a very poor politician; but states- 
men must be philosophers, although they may deem 
it more safe to speak or write but little. The states- 
men of both Germany and Italy have it in their power 
to strengthen the base of their political edifice, re- 
spectively, by profiting from the errors of some nations 
and from the wisdom of others. They must have 
learned at home, by this time, that some of the edu- 
catory ideas of the nineteenth century may be pro- 
ductive of considerable mischief to a state; that it is 
prudent not to antagonize the religious school, and 
wise to discourage, and even vigorously oppose, 



466 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

among the people, a great increase of desires and a 
regime of extravagancies. Statesmen should earnestly 
work to avert or suppress the diffusion of that kind of 
learning, which renders a people unwise and con- 
ceited, and qualifies a large number of individuals but 
to annoy society constantly by defying the religious 
and civil authorities alike. 



RECAPITULATION OF THE POLITICAL HIS- 
TORY OF THE WORLD. 

During forty centuries of civil governments, tracing 
the history of nations only as far back as its most 
authentic records authorize it, not a hundred years 
of tolerable democracy can be said to have been en- 
joyed by all the republics of the earth, combined. 

We have seen the monarchies of ancient Egypt and 
Asia giving the world the first principles of politics, 
industry, art and science, and the first republics 
availing themselves of these advantages. 

The government of Sparta was not a democracy, nor 
even a purely aristocratical republic, as its chief-mag- 
istrates were kings, occupying their throne perpetually. 

About the year 504, immediately before the Medic 
wars, the Athenians set aside the government of 
Pisistratus and inaugurated the Constitution of Solon. 
It was not, at first, entirely democratical, but after- 
wards party leaders remodeled it to increase their 
popularity among the masses; and the government of 



ANCIENT AND MODERN ' 467 

Athens remained democratic in form, till 335 B. C. 
In that period the Athenian Commonwealth, although 
its population at no time exceeded 32,000, had enjoyed 
but twenty-nine years of peace and prosperity, which 
formed the most of the brilliant reign of Pericles. 
Nevertheless, the Athenians proved unworthy even of 
that short regime of republicanism; as industrial 
development, art and education, brought them that 
state of affairs which was to be the chief cause of 
their woes. 

At last all the Grecian republics, through their 
civil dissensions, wars and corruption, were conquered 
by Philip, and for saving themselves from further 
civil troubles and foreign domination, implored King 
Alexander to lead their destinies. Upon his death 
they revolted against monarchy, and returned to re- 
publicanism and dissensions, only to find themselves 
subjected to the power of Rome. 

The Roman republic was founded in the year 510 
and fell in 30 B. C. At first it was not democratical, 
but aristocratical, as the patricians only could partic- 
ipate in the government; nor was it till 366 that the 
plebeians were admitted to the consulate. From the 
beginning the Romans were split in civil dissensions. 
They afterwards became united to carry on war suc- 
cessfully against their neighbors, to liberate them- 
selves from the Gauls, and conquer Carthage, Greece 
and parts of Asia. It is known that the return of 
peace, high civilization, and the rise of wealth and 
poverty, put an end to the regime of democracy, 



468 (Governments and politicians, 

which, so far, had been maintained only by the state 
of agriculture, wars, and the dictatorship of consuls 
or generals. 

The appearance of the Gracchi on the political 
stage in 133 B. C , was the first step towards the 
downfall of the Commonwealth. After a long reign 
of dissensions, upheavals, civil wars, and discussions 
of plans of reforms, the Romans find that their 
democratical Constitution, being incompatible with 
an advanced state of civilization, is the source of 
their calamities, and consequently, take refuge into 
monarchy, to live in repose, and develop, under the 
protection of a government, industry and all branches 
of learning. 

The republic of Carthage was no democracy, but 
a properly so-called Oligarchy. 

The Italian republics that established themselves 
upon the ruins of the Roman empire, were no democ- 
racies. They fared well enough in their new primi- 
tive state, but afterwards became incapable of bear- 
ing the weight of returning civilization. 

Both the Venetian and the Dutch republics were 
purely aristocratical. 

The English commonwealth of the seventeenth, 
and the French republic, of the eighteenth century, 
it is well known, were complete failures, which had 
to be replaced by monarchy. 

The present republic of France is not democratic 
in form, but far more resembles a constitutional 
monarchy than the American government. Never- 



ANCIENT AND MODERN ' 469 

theless, it has not existed long enough, yet, to prove 
its ability to govern the nation. If we have to judge 
its merits from the past, it can hardly rank among 
the successful governments. One thing is certain, a 
great many of its prominent citizens prefer it to a 
monarchy merely because they see in it greater 
opportunities for dishonest schemes. The Panama 
affair has furnished a wonderfully surprising evidence 
of this assertion. 

It is equally true that none of the South-American 
republics has any ground upon which it can justly 
rest a claim to competency for democracy. Their 
civil troubles and continual state of insecurity are 
but the effects of their weak government 

The long duration of the Swiss republic is often 
cited by the Americans and the French as an argu- 
ment in support of their idea that democracy is a 
possibility for most nations. Let it be supposed 
that all its institutions be similar, in all their details 
to those of the United States, can a form of govern- 
ment in a country of two or three million inhabitants 
be reasonably offered as a model constitution for a 
great nation .^^ Besides, they seem to ignore that the 
political system of that republic is entirely different 
from that of the American Commonwealth, and in 
reality is no democracy. In Switzerland, the presi- 
dent is elected annually by the two chambers on a 
joint ballot. The judges and some other public 
officials are elected by the people, and their election 
must be confirmed by the government; and these as 



470 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

well as all employees in the public service occupy 
their position perpetually, on good behavior. More- 
over, any magistrate, and even the president himself, 
may, at any time, be removed from office, upon the 
presentation of the signatures of a certain number of 
citizens. This system, though far better than that 
of the United States, and impracticable in a large 
and populous country, is still productive of consider- 
able corruption in the Swiss confederacy. 

It is kno\yn that the republic of Rome found it an 
easier task to conquer the world than to govern it. 
The American democracy has no world to govern, 
but it could certainly sooner conquer it than manage 
its present population of sixty-six millions, decently. 

The republic of Mexico is constituted almost en- 
tirely on the model of the American democracy. Ever 
since 1823, the time at which the Mexicans became 
independent of Spain, the country has been disturbed 
by internal dissensions. Mexico covers an area 
of about seven hundred and sixty-four thousand 
square miles, and has a population of no more than 
ten millions, a density of only thirteen to the mile, 
and its natural resources are not excelled by any 
other country. With such advantages, the Mexicans, 
like the Americans, may succeed to preserve for 
many more years their form of government. 

Brazil could not have committed a greater error 
than to give up the government of Dom Pedro for a 
republic. The time may soon come when in that 
country, as well as in all other American republics, 



ANCIENT And modern 471 

lynching or other such lawlessness will be introduced. 
Greece has just now substituted a kind of a democ- 
racy to its constitutional monarchy. The moment is 
fast approaching when this little nation, of ancient 
renown for turbulence and political nonsense, will, 
for its own good, be annexed by a great power lying 
not far from her. 

Monarchies live and die out, like republics, because 
they are human institutions; but there is this vast 
difference between them: If the former have been 
productive of many wrongs, they have also performed 
nearly all the good on earth. On the other hand, 
the latter have, practically, achieved very little but 
the most deplorable evils, for mankind. If at differ- 
ent times, republicans have suggested wise ideas for 
reforms, the republic has ever failed in the attempt 
to carry them out, and monarchy of any form proved 
equal to that task. As it has already been said; pills 
are excellent things for purification, but very bad 
food for nations, as well as individuals, to live upon. 
Nothing is more cleyrly demonstrated than that 
democracy, or the so-called government by the people, 
is against the interest of the people, and monarchy, 
or the government of a few, for the people. 

Any of the European and Asiatic monarchies can 
govern nations of several hundred millions, far better 
than the American democracy manages its population, 
or the republic of Switzerland, onl}- three millions. 
Nor do they over impute to their resident foreigners, 
the connnission of all crimes. Not more than two hun - 



4/2 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

dred million people are now living under republics, and 
of this number, only seventy-six million live under de- 
mocracies, while twelve hundred million are governed 
by monarchies, and most of them, b}' absolutism. 
And what man of any little knowledge uiil venture 
to say that there is not a great deal more knowledge 
throughout the world, in this age, than at the times 
of the ancient Greek and Roman republics? 

The greatest danger of absolutism in the past ages 
has been the over-zeal of the monarch to aggrandize 
his empire. When his projects of conquest failed, 
his people suffered accordingly as his greatness de- 
creased ; but on the other hand, their prosperity in- 
creased with his success. Personal ambition, in a 
monarchy, is generally productive of a great deal of 
good, because it can not but be directed towards the 
welfare of the nation; it is another thing in a repub- 
lic, it is dangerous because selfish motives under this 
form of government are not identical with the general 
interests of the country. 

The political strifes and civil wars, in republics, 
have caused much more injury than wars of succession 
such as that between the Lancaster and the York 
families, of the fifteenth century, in England, known 
as the war of the two Roses, and even the war of 
succession to the throne of Spain. 

Absolutism may be sometimes despotic but can 
never equal a corrupt democracy for mischief. 
Although the virtue of the prince can not alwa} s be 
depended upon, he has in his power the opportunity 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 473 

of excelling the constitutional monarchy, at least for 
benevolence, if not for administrative purity, because 
his will is not limited by any law. In all ages have 
existed a large number of absolute Sovereigns, who 
have constantly endeavored to piomote the interests 
of their subjects. And of that order, in the Christian 
era can be cited Alfred, Charlemagne, Louis IX, 
Henry IV, Louis XIII, Louis XIV, Louis XVI, 
almost all German rulers, the Czars of the Romanoff 
Family, especially Alexander II, and the present ruler 
of Russia, Alexander III. 

Monarchies have always built up and civilized, and 
will continue to build up and civilize nations. 

The incompetency of democracy for government is 
proven by one sentence: The most important func- 
tion of a government is the administering of justice; 
democracy fails to administer justice, therefore 
democracy is not adapted for the government of 
nations. 



DIVINE RIGHT OF MONARCHY. 

A great deal can be written upon the subject of the 
"Divine Right of Monarchy;" but a single s}llugisni 
is sufficient to establish the truth of this principle: 
The form of government wliich best administers 
justice, is of Divine Right; monarchy is that which 
best administers justice, therefore monarchy is of 
Divine Right. 



474 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIATS, 

FUTURE GREATNESS OF THE AMERICAN 

NATION. 

It is impossible to admit that monarchy, of any 
grade, although, by far, the best adapted to the gov- 
ernment of nations, could be, now, established in the 
United States of America. Americans often say 
that the nations of Europe are not all ripe yet for 
democracy. This is an error. The time for repub- 
licanism, in Europe, passed away when the tillers of 
the soil yielded their political power to the more 
educated classes, when Rome had achieved its con- 
quests, when land became scarce, when the Gracchi 
rose to prominence and inaugurated civil troubles. 
That was a very long time ago. It is the American 
people that are not yet ready for monarchy, were it 
only for the reason that their ^^ountry is still in a 
state of infancy Besides, nothing is more difficult 
than to dispel old prejudices or false notions of 
liberty, deeply rooted in the minds of a nation, and 
lead them to voluntarily accept the rule of a restrain- 
ing power, after being allowed long to refrain from 
duty, or abhor from obedience to the laws or from 
respect to any authority. The American government 
may, to the delight of professional poHticians, dema- 
gogues and ignorants, retain its democratic form for 
another long period; but the time for the people 
clamoring even louder for restraint and a radical 
change in their political constitution, than now, for 
liberties and reforms, shall come long before they 
commence feeling the scarcity of land, considering 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 473 

that their republic is far more advanced in civilization, 
and much sooner became corrupt than the ancient 
democracies. 

It is an easy task to devise forms of government, 
admirable in theory; but would it not be wiser to 
adopt as model the most successful and beneficial 
monarchies of the earth, than to continue subjecting 
a nation to an iniquitous regime or to the trials of 
other new and dangerous experiments. A political 
revolution could be easily accomplished, were the 
masses educated to reverse their feelings in favor of 
their country's interest. It is not nobility, nor a 
royal family, nor a king, but justice and order that 
is chiefly wanted by a people. Nevertheless, should 
such a regime not be attainable without the head of 
the government developing into nobility and even 
royalty, would it not be most unjust or unwise that a 
portion of the population should weigh their feelings 
of jealousy and envy against its establishment? Die 
out such contemptible sentiments ! May they forever 
cease to animate the souls of any people and jeop- 
ardise the future greatness of the nation! 

Under a monarchy if one wishes to be democratic 
he has many opportunities to exercise his civic virtues 
and even make such sacrifices as arc required by 
democracy; and he is free to enter any career suita- 
ble to his fancy, his talent and genius. But he can 
not hope to exercise the freedom of his caprices by 
infringing upon other men's rights, with inipuiiity 

A republic, like that of France, confining dec- 



4/6 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

tions to those of legislators and presidents is a great 
improvement upon the democracy of the United 
States; but the political experience of all the great- 
est nations of the world offers the American people 
the following ideas for a sound Constitution: 

One Law and one Government for the entire 
country; a Chief-Magistrate appointed or elected per- 
petually, and heredity proclaimed in his family. 
No Vice-Roys or Governors are advisable, except in 
remote colonies. All public servants and more par- 
ticularly the judges and other officials of law-courts, 
should be emancipated from political servitude and 
hold office for their life time and retain it so long as 
they remain qualified for the position. In a consti- 
tutional monarchy the deputies should be elected for 
a term of at least three, or even five or six years; 
the senators for a lono^er term and some of them 
could remain in office perpetually. 

The political constitution should rest upon the 
existence of a Supreme Being, and although allowing 
religious freedom and compelling no one to embrace 
any form of worship, it should forbid any individual 
to publicly deny or ridicule the existence of a Super- 
natural state. It should alsogive religion ascendancy 
over materialism or agnosticism by directly aiding 
the principal churches, and entrusting them with the 
fundamental education of the people, without, how- 
ever, suppressing the establishment of any good 
secular schools. The union of Religion and Philoso- 
phy, of Church and State, would necessarily produce 



ANCIENT AND MODERN 477 

the same salutary results, in America, as in Europe 
and in China. The authority would be no longer 
defied. Veracity could be more depended upon. 
The laxity of the laws, the growth of crime, lynching 
and barbarism would cease. Mutual confidence, and 
the preservation of popular and individual rights, 
would be restored. 

To promote the equalization of the distribution of 
wealth among the masses, and to extend more pro- 
tection to all classes alike, the banking system, the 
telegraphs, and the railroads should be controlled by 
the government. To check the rise of dangerous 
factions, the government and the churches should be 

• 

the only benevolent institutions. Instead of imitat- 
ing the narrow polic}' of the ancient Greeks by re* 
stricting immigration, they would invite the proletari- 
ate of every European nation to settle in their vast 
country, for both natives and foreigners would far 
better behave, and become far more useful to the 
state, in the practice of agriculture or of any indus- 
trial branch than in the profession of politics. 

Evidently, the great material resources of the coun- 
try combined with such a system of govermennt, 
could not fail to build up, on the American soil, one 
of the mightiest and happiest nations of the world. 



TO THE REPUBLICANS OF THE WORLD. 

Much more remains to be said upon the politics of 
nations; but for the present the case is rested. Now, 



478 GOVERNMENTS AND POLITICIANS, 

republicans, whether you approve, or have any desire 
to contradict the statements, or upset the theories 
and arguments of this work, act fearlessly and with 
dignity. If you are philosophers, discuss logically. 
If you only have pretensions or aspirations to phil- 
osophy, plagiarize all you wish; but before publish- 
ing, submit your writings to the approbation of 
logicians, that they may determine their merit by the 
rule of syllogism. Give your readers something 
plain and rational. Do not bluster, or wander from 
the subject, or act the part of literary fops by arrang- 
ing high-sounding phrases, agreeable only to the 
ignorant's taste and devoid of sense. Cease to work 
upon the minds, with the Bombastic words of "The 
government of the people, by the people, and for the 
people, freedom and liberty," and the like. Creep 
not like insects, and swell not to rise above all 
mortals, lest you are brought fiat to the earth. 



THE END 



